the boss and the machine-第12节
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citizen of understanding a self…evident truth; 〃I am working for
my pockets all the time。〃
Soon afterwards Croker retired to his Irish castle; relinquishing
the leadership to Charles Murphy; the present boss。 The growing
alertness of the voters; however; makes Murphy's task a more
difficult one than that of any of his predecessors。 It is
doubtful if the nature of the machine has changed during all the
years of its history。 Tweed and Croker were only natural products
of the system。 They typify the vulgar climax of organized
looting。
In 1913 the Independent Democrats; Republicans; and Progressives
united in a fusion movement。 They nominated and; after a most
spirited campaign; elected John Purroy Mitchel as mayor。 He was a
young man; not yet forty; had held important city offices; and
President Wilson had appointed him Collector of the Port of New
York。 His experience; his vigor; ability; and straightdealing
commended him to the friends of good government; and they were
not disappointed。 The Mitchel regime set a new record for clean
and efficient municipal administration。 Men of high character and
ability were enlisted in public service; and the Police
Department; under Commissioner Woods; achieved a new usefulness。
The decent citizens; not alone in the metropolis; but throughout
the country; believed with Theodore Roosevelt that Mr。 Mitchel
was 〃the best mayor。 New York ever had。〃 But neither the
effectiveness of his administration nor the combined efforts of
the friends of good government could save him from the designs of
Tammany Hall when; in 1917; he was a candidate for reelection。
Through a tactical blunder of the Fusionists; a small Republican
group was permitted to control the party primaries and nominate a
candidate of its own; the Socialists; greatly augmented by
various pacifist groups; made heavy inroads among the
foreign…born voters。 And; while the whole power and finesse of
Tammany were assiduously undermining the mayor's strength;
ethnic; religious; partizan; and geographical prejudices combined
to elect the machine candidate; Judge Hylan; a comparatively
unknown Brooklyn magistrate。
How could Tammany regain its power; and that usually within two
years; after such disclosures as we have seen? The main reason is
the scientific efficiency of the organization。 The victory of
Burr in New York in 1800 was the first triumph of the first ward
machine in America; and Tammany has forgotten neither this
victory nor the methods by which it was achieved。 The
organization which was then set in motion has simply been
enlarged to keep easy pace with the city's growth。 There are; in
fact; two organizations; Tammany Hall; the political machine; and
Tammany Society; the 〃Columbian Order〃 organized by Mooney; which
is ruled by sachems elected by the members。 Both organizations;
however; are one in spirit。 We need concern ourselves only with
the organization of Tammany Hall。
The framework of Tammany Hall's machinery has always been the
general committee; still known; in the phraseology of Burr's day;
as 〃the Democratic…Republican General Committee。〃 It is a very
democratic body composed of representatives from every assembly
district; apportioned according to the number of voters in the
district。 The present apportionment is one committeeman for every
fifteen votes。 This makes a committee of over 9000; an unwieldy
number。 It is justified; however; on two very practical grounds:
first; that it is large enough to keep close to the voters; and
second; that its assessment of ten dollars a member brings in
90;000 a year to the war chest。 This general committee holds
stated meetings and appoints subcommittees。 The executive
committee; composed of the leaders of the assembly districts and
the chairman and treasurer of the county committee; is the real
working body of the great committee。 It attends to all important
routine matters; selects candidates for office; and conducts
their campaigns。 It is customary for the members of the general
committee to designate the district leaders for the executive
committee; but they are elected by their own districts
respectively at the annual primary elections。 The district leader
is a very important wheel in the machine。 He not only leads his
district but represents it on the executive committee; and this
brotherhood of leaders forms the potent oligarchy of Tammany。 Its
sanction crowns the high chieftain; the boss; who; in turn; must
be constantly on the alert that his throne is not undermined;
that is to say; he and his district leaders must 〃play politics〃
within their own bailiwicks to keep their heads on their own
shoulders。 After their enfranchisement in New York (1917) women
were made eligible to the general and executive committees。
Thirty…seven were at once elected to the executive committee; and
plans were made to give them one…half of the representation on
the general committee。
Each of the twenty…three assembly districts is in turn divided
into election districts of about 400 voters; each with a
precinct captain who is acquainted with every voter in his
precinct and keeps track; as far as possible; of his affairs。 In
every assembly district there are headquarters and a club house;
where the voters can go in the evening and enjoy a smoke; a
bottle; and a more or less quiet game。
This organization is never dormant。 And this is the key to its
vitality。 There is no mystery about it。 Tammany is as vigilant
between elections as it is on election day。 It has always been
solicitous for the poor and the humble; who most need and best
appreciate help and attention。 Every poor immigrant is welcomed;
introduced to the district headquarters; given work; or food; or
shelter。 Tammany is his practical friend; and in return he is
merely to become naturalized as quickly as possible under the
wardship of a Tammany captain and by the grace of a Tammany
judge; and then to vote the Tammany ticket。 The new citizen's
lessons in political science are all flavored with highly
practical notions。
Tammany's machinery enables a house…to…house canvass to be made
in one day。 But this machinery must be oiled。 There are three
sources of the necessary lubricant: offices; jobs; the sale of
favors; these are dependent on winning the elections。 From its
very earliest days; fraud at the polls has been a Tammany
practice。 As long as property qualifications were required; money
was furnished for buying houses which could harbor a whole
settlement of voters。 It was not; however; until the adoption of
universal suffrage that wholesale frauds became possible or
useful; for with a limited suffrage it was necessary to sway only
a few score votes to carry an ordinary election。
Fernando Wood set a new pace in this race for votes。 It has been
estimated that in 1854 there 〃were about 40;000 shiftless;
unprincipled persons who lived by their wits and the labor of
others。 The trade of a part of these was turning primary
elections; packing nominating conventions; repeating; and
breaking up meetings。〃 Wood also systematized naturalization。 A
card bearing the following legend was the open sesame to American
citizenship:
〃Common Pleas:
Please naturalize the bearer。
N。 Seagrist; Chairman。〃
Seagrist was one of the men charged by an aldermanic committee
〃with robbing the funeral pall of Henry Clay when his sacred
person passed through this city。〃
When Hoffman was first elected mayor; over 15;000 persons were
registered who could not be found at the places indicated。 The
naturalization machinery was then running at high speed。 In 1868;
from 25;000 to 30;000 foreigners were naturalized in New York in
six weeks。 Of 156;288 votes cast in the city; 25;000 were
afterwards shown to be fraudulent。 It was about this time that an
official whose duty it was to swear in the election inspectors;
not finding a Bible at hand; used a volume of Ollendorf's 〃New
Method of Learning to Read; Write; and Speak French。〃 The courts
sustained this substitution on the ground that it could not
possibly have vitiated the election!
A new federal naturalization law and rigid election laws have
made wholesale frauds impossible; and the genius of Tammany is
now attempting to adjust itself to the new immigration; the new
political spirit; and the new communal vigilance。 Its power is
believed by some optimistic observers to be waning。 But the
evidences are not wanting that its vitality and internal
discipline are still persistent。
CHAPTER VI。 LESSER OLIGARCHIES
New York City is not unique in its experience with political
bossdom。 Nearly every American city; in a greater or less degree;
for longer or shorter periods; has been dominated by oligarchies。
Around Philadelphia; American sentiment has woven the memories of
great events。 It still remains; of all our large cities; the most
〃American。〃 It has fewer aliens than any other; a larger
percentage of home owners; a larger number of small tradespeople
and skilled artisansthe sort of population which democracy
exalts; and who in turn are presumed to be the bulwark of
democracy。 These good citizens; busied with the anxieties and
excitements of their private conc