the canadian dominion-第25节

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ical　future　of　the　colony。　He　so　far　forsook　the　strait　〃Manchester　School〃　of　his　upbringing　as　to　support　Macdonald's　campaign　for　protection　in　1878。　But　that　was　the　limit　of　his　adaptability。　To　the　end　he　remained　out　of　touch　with　Canadian　feeling。　His　campaign　for　annexation；　or　for　the　reunion　of　the　English…speaking　peoples　on　this　continent；　as　he　preferred　to　call　it；　was　able　and　persistent　but　moved　only　a　narrow　circle　of　readers。　It　was　in　vain　that　he　offered　the　example　of　Scotland's　prosperity　after　her　union　with　her　southern　neighbor；　or　insisted　that　Canada　was　cut　into　four　distinct　and　unrelated　sections　each　of　which　could　find　its　natural　complement　only　in　the　territory　to　the　south。　Here　and　there　an　editor　or　a　minor　politician　lent　some　support　to　his　views；　but　the　great　mass　of　the　people　strongly　condemned　the　movement。　There　was　to　be　no　going　back　to　the　parting　of　the　ways：　the　continent　north　of　Mexico　was　henceforth　to　witness　two　experiments　in　democracy；　not　one　unwieldy　venture。

Commercial　union　was　a　half…way　measure　which　found　more　favor。　A　North　American　customs　union　had　been　supported　by　such　public　men　as　Stephen　A。　Douglas；　Horace　Greeley；　and　William　H。　Seward；　by　official　investigators　such　as　Taylor；　Derby；　and　Larned；　and　by　committees　of　the　House　of　Representatives　in　1862；　1876；　1880；　and　1884。　In　Canada　it　had　been　endorsed　before　Confederation　by　Isaac　Buchanan；　the　father　of　the　protection　movement；　and　by　Luther　Holton　and　John　Young。　Now　for　the　first　time　it　became　a　practical　question。　Erastus　Wiman；　a　Canadian　who　had　found　fortune　in　the　United　States；　began　in　1887　a　vigorous　campaign　in　its　favor　both　in　Congress　and　among　the　Canadian　public。　Goldwin　Smith　lent　his　dubious　aid；　leading　Toronto　and　Montreal　newspapers　joined　the　movement；　and　Ontario　farmers'　organizations　swung　to　its　support。　But　the　agitation　proved　abortive　owing　to　the　triumph　of　high　protection　in　the　presidential　election　of　1888；　and　in　Canada　the　red　herring　of　the　Jesuits'　Estates　controversy　was　drawn　across　the　trail。

Yet　the　question　would　not　down。　The　political　parties　were　compelled　to　define　their　attitude。　The　Liberals　had　been　defeated　once　more　in　the　election　of　1887；　where　the　continuance　of　the　National　Policy　and　of　aid　to　the　Canadian　Pacific　had　been　the　issue。　Their　leader；　Edward　Blake；　had　retired　disheartened。　His　place　had　been　taken　by　a　young　Quebec　lieutenant；　Wilfrid　Laurier；　who　had　won　fame　by　his　courageous　resistance　to　clerical　aggression　in　his　own　province　and　by　his　indictment　of　the　Macdonald　Government　in　the　Riel　issue。　A　veteran　Ontario　Liberal；　Sir　Richard　Cartwright；　urged　the　adoption　of　commercial　union　as　the　party　policy。　Laurier　would　not　go　so　far；　and　the　policy　of　unrestricted　reciprocity　was　made　the　official　programme　in　1888。　Commercial　union　had　involved　not　only　absolute　free　trade　between　Canada　and　the　United　States　but　common　excise　rates；　a　common　tariff　against　the　rest　of　the　world；　and　the　division　of　customs　and　excise　revenues　in　some　agreed　proportion。　Unrestricted　reciprocity　would　mean　free　trade　between　the　two　countries；　but　with　each　left　free　to　levy　what　rates　it　pleased　on　the　products　of　other　countries。

When　in　1891　the　time　came　round　once　more　for　a　general　election；　it　was　apparent　that　reciprocity　in　some　form　would　be　the　dominant　issue。　Though　the　Republicans　were　in　power　in　the　United　States　and　though　they　had　more　than　fulfilled　their　high　tariff　pledges　in　the　McKinley　Act；　which　hit　Canadian　farm　products　particularly　hard；　there　was　some　chance　of　terms　being　made。　Reciprocity；　as　a　form　of　tariff　bargaining；　really　fits　in　better　with　protection　than　with　free　trade；　and　Blaine；　Harrison's　Secretary　of　State；　was　committed　to　a　policy　of　trade　treaties　and　trade　bargaining。　In　Canada　the　demand　for　the　United　States　market　had　grown　with　increasing　depression。　The　Liberals；　with　their　policy　of　unrestricted　reciprocity；　seemed　destined　to　reap　the　advantage　of　this　rising　tide　of　feeling。　Then　suddenly；　on　the　eve　of　the　election；　Sir　John　Macdonald　sought　to　cut　the　ground　from　under　the　feet　of　his　opponents　by　the　announcement　that　in　the　course　of　a　discussion　of　Newfoundland　matters　the　United　States　had　taken　the　initiative　in　suggesting　to　Canada　a　settlement　of　all　outstanding　difficulties；　fisheries；　coasting　trade；　and　；　on　the　basis　of　a　renewal　and　extension　of　the　Reciprocity　Treaty　of　1854。　This　policy　promised　to　meet　all　legitimate　economic　needs　of　the　country　and　at　the　same　time　avoid　the　political　dangers　of　the　more　sweeping　policy。　Its　force　was　somewhat　weakened　by　the　denials　of　Secretary　Blaine　that　he　had　taken　the　initiative　or　made　any　definite　promises。　As　the　election　drew　near　and　revelations　of　the　annexationist　aims　of　some　supporters　of　the　wider　trade　policy　were　made；　the　Government　made　the　loyalty　cry　its　strong　card。　〃The　old　man；　the　old　flag；　and　the　old　policy；〃　saved　the　day。　In　Ontario　and　Quebec　the　two　parties　were　evenly　divided；　but　the　West　and　the　Maritime　Provinces；　the　〃shreds　and　patches　of　Confederation；〃　as　Sir　Richard　Cartwright；　too　ironic　and　vitriolic　in　his　speech　for　political　success；　termed　them；　gave　the　Government　a　working　majority；　which　was　increased　in　by…elections。

Again　in　power；　the　Government　made　a　formal　attempt　to　carry　out　its　pledges。　Two　pilgrimages　were　made　to　Washington；　but　the　negotiators　were　too　far　apart　to　come　to　terms。　With　the　triumph　of　the　Democrats　in　1899。　and　the　lowering　of　the　tariff　on　farm　products　which　followed；　there　came　a　temporary　improvement　in　trade　relations。　But　the　tariff　reaction　and　the　silver　issue　brought　back　the　Republicans　and　led　to　that　climax　in　agricultural　protection；　the　Dingley　Act　of　1897；　which　killed　among　Canadians　all　reciprocity　longings　and　compelled　them　to　look　to　themselves　for　salvation。　Although　Canadians　were　anxious　for　trade　relations；　they　were　not　willing　to　be　bludgeoned　into　accepting　one…sided　terms。　The　settlement　of　the　Bering　Sea　dispute　in　1898　by　a　board　of　arbitration；　which　ruled　against　the　claims　of　the　United　States　but　suggested　a　restriction　of　pelagic　sealing　by　agreement；　removed　one　source　of　friction。　Hardly　was　that　out　of　the　way　when　Cleveland's　Venezuela　message　brought　Great　Britain　and　the　United　States　once　more　to　the　verge　of　war。　In　such　a　war　Canadians　knew　they　would　be　the　chief　sufferers；　but　in　1895；　as　in　1862；　they　did　not　flinch　and　stood　ready　to　support　the　mother　country　in　any　outcome。　The　Venezuela　episode　stirred　Canadian　feeling　deeply；　revived　interest　in　imperialism；　and　ended　the　last　lingering　remnants　of　any　sentiment　for　annexation。　As　King　Edward　I　was　termed　〃the　hammer　of　the　Scots；〃　so　McKinley　and　Cleveland　became　〃the　hammer　of　the　Canadians；〃　welding　them　into　unity。


While　most　Canadians　were　ceasing　to　look　to　Washington　for　relief；　an　increasing　number　were　looking　once　more　to　London。　The　revival　of　imperial　sentiment　which　began　in　the　early　eighties；　seemed　to　promise　new　and　greater　possibilities　for　the　colonies　overseas。　Political　union　in　the　form　of　imperial　federation　and　commercial　union　through　reciprocal　tariff　preferences　were　urged　in　turn　as　the　cure　for　all　Canada's　ills。　Neither　solution　was　adopted。　The　movement　greatly　influenced　the　actual　trend　of　affairs；　but　there　was　to　be　no　mere　turning　back　to　the　days　of　the　old　empire。

The　period　of　laissez　faire　in　imperial　matters；　of　Little　Englandism；　drew　to　a　close　in　the　early　eighties。　Once　more　men　began　to　value　empire；　to　seek　to　annex　new　territory　overseas；　and　to　bind　closer　the　existing　possessions。　The　world　was　passing　through　a　reaction　destined　to　lead　to　the　earth…shaking　catastrophe　of　1914。　The　ideals　of　peace　and　free　trade　preached　and　to　some　degree　practiced　in　the　fifties　and　sixties　were　passing　under　an　eclipse。　In　Europe　the　swing　to　free　trade　had　halted；　and　nation　after　nation　was　becoming　aggressively　protectionist。　The　triumph　of　Prussia　in　the　War　of　1870　revived　and　intensified　military　rivalry　and　military　preparations　on　the　part　of　all　the　powers　of　Europe。　A　new　scramble　for　colonies　and　possessions　overseas　began；　with　the　late　comers　nervously　eager　to　make　up　for　time　lost。　In　this　reaction　Britain　shared。　Protection　raised　its　head　again　in　England；　only　by　tariffs　and　tariff　bargaining；　the　Fair　Traders　insisted；　could　the　country　hold　its　own。　Odds　and　ends　of　territory　overseas　were　annexed　and　a　new　value　was　attached　to　the　existing　colonies。　The　possibility　of　obtaining　from　them　military　support　and　trade　privileges；　the　desirability　of　returning　to　the　old　ideal　of　a　self…contained　and　centralized　empire；　appealed　now　to　influential　groups。　This　goal　might　be　attained　by　different　paths。　From　the　United　Kingdom　came　the　policy　of　imperial　federation　and　from　the　colonies　the　policy　of　preferential　trade　as　means　to　this　end。

In　1884　the　Imperial　Federation　League　was　organized　in　London　with　important　men　of　both　parties　in　its　ranks。　It　urged　the　setting　up　in　London　of　a　new　Parliament；　in　which　the　United　Kingdom　and　all　the　colonies　where　white　men　predominated　would　be　repr