thoughts on the present discontents-第30节

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those　means　of　procuring　temporal　prosperity　and　eternal　happiness；
the　ends　for　which　society　was　formed？　　Are　the　local　interests　of
Cornwall　and　Wiltshire；　for　instancetheir　roads；　canals；　their
prisons；　their　policebetter　than　Yorkshire；　Warwickshire；　or
Staffordshire？　　Warwick　has　members；　is　Warwick　or　Stafford　more
opulent；　happy；　or　free；　than　Newcastle　or　than　Birmingham？　　Is
Wiltshire　the　pampered　favourite；　whilst　Yorkshire；　like　the　child
of　the　bondwoman；　is　turned　out　to　the　desert？　　This　is　like　the
unhappy　persons　who　live；　if　they　can　be　said　to　live；　in　the
statical　chair；　who　are　ever　feeling　their　pulse；　and　who　do　not
judge　of　health　by　the　aptitude　of　the　body　to　perform　its
functions；　but　by　their　ideas　of　what　ought　to　be　the　true　balance
between　the　several　secretions。　　Is　a　committee　of　Cornwall；　&c。；
thronged；　and　the　others　deserted？　　No。　　You　have　an　equal
representation；　because　you　have　men　equally　interested　in　the
prosperity　of　the　whole；　who　are　involved　in　the　general　interest
and　the　general　sympathy；　and　perhaps　these　places；　furnishing　a
superfluity　of　public　agents　and　administrators　（whether；　in
strictness；　they　are　representatives　or　not；　I　do　not　mean　to
inquire；　but　they　are　agents　and　administrators）；　will　stand　clearer
of　local　interests；　passions；　prejudices；　and　cabals　than　the
others；　and　therefore　preserve　the　balance　of　the　parts；　and　with　a
more　general　view　and　a　more　steady　hand　than　the　rest。

In　every　political　proposal　we　must　not　leave　out　of　the　question
the　political　views　and　object　of　the　proposer；　and　these　we
discover；　not　by　what　he　says；　but　by　the　principles　he　lays　down。
〃I　mean；〃　says　he；　〃a　moderate　and　temperate　reform；〃　that　is；　〃I
mean　to　do　as　little　good　as　possible。　　If　the　Constitution　be　what
you　represent　it；　and　there　be　no　danger　in　the　change；　you　do　wrong
not　to　make　the　reform　commensurate　to　the　abuse。〃　　Fine　reformer；
indeed！　generous　donor！　　What　is　the　cause　of　this　parsimony　of　the
liberty　which　you　dole　out　to　the　people？　　Why　all　this　limitation
in　giving　blessings　and　benefits　to　mankind？　　You　admit　that　there
is　an　extreme　in　liberty；　which　may　be　infinitely　noxious　to　those
who　are　to　receive　it；　and　which　in　the　end　will　leave　them　no
liberty　at　all。　　I　think　so　too；　they　know　it；　and　they　feel　it。
The　question　is；　then；　What　is　the　standard　of　that　extreme？　　What
that　gentleman；　and　the　associations；　or　some　parts　of　their
phalanxes；　think　proper。　　Then　our　liberties　are　in　their　pleasure；
it　depends　on　their　arbitrary　will　how　far　I　shall　be　free。　　I　will
have　none　of　that　freedom。　　If；　therefore；　the　standard　of
moderation　be　sought　for；　I　will　seek　for　it。　　Where？　　Not　in　their
fancies；　nor　in　my　own：　　I　will　seek　for　it　where　I　know　it　is　to　be
foundin　the　Constitution　I　actually　enjoy。　　Here　it　says　to　an
encroaching　prerogative〃Your　sceptre　has　its　length；　you　cannot
add　a　hair　to　your　head；　or　a　gem　to　your　crown；　but　what　an　eternal
law　has　given　to　it。〃　　Here　it　says　to　an　overweening　peerage〃Your
pride　finds　banks　that　it　cannot　overflow；〃　here　to　a　tumultuous　and
giddy　people〃There　is　a　bound　to　the　raging　of　the　sea。〃　　Our
Constitution　is　like　our　island；　which　uses　and　restrains　its
subject　sea；　in　vain　the　waves　roar。　　In　that　Constitution　I　know；
and　exultingly　I　feel；　both　that　I　am　free　and　that　I　am　not　free
dangerously　to　myself　or　to　others。　　I　know　that　no　power　on　earth；
acting　as　I　ought　to　do；　can　touch　my　life；　my　liberty；　or　my
property。　　I　have　that　inward　and　dignified　consciousness　of　my　own
security　and　independence；　which　constitutes；　and　is　the　only　thing
which　does　constitute；　the　proud　and　comfortable　sentiment　of
freedom　in　the　human　breast。　　I　know；　too；　and　I　bless　God　for　my
safe　mediocrity；　I　know　that　if　I　possessed　all　the　talents　of　the
gentlemen　on　the　side　of　the　House　I　sit；　and　on　the　other；　I
cannot；　by　royal　favour；　or　by　popular　delusion；　or　by　oligarchical
cabal；　elevate　myself　above　a　certain　very　limited　point；　so　as　to
endanger　my　own　fall　or　the　ruin　of　my　country。　　I　know　there　is　an
order　that　keeps　things　fast　in　their　place；　it　is　made　to　us；　and
we　are　made　to　it。　　Why　not　ask　another　wife；　other　children；
another　body；　another　mind？

The　great　object　of　most　of　these　reformers　is　to　prepare　the
destruction　of　the　Constitution；　by　disgracing　and　discrediting　the
House　of　Commons。　　For　they　thinkprudently；　in　my　opinionthat　if
they　can　persuade　the　nation　that　the　House　of　Commons　is　so
constituted　as　not　to　secure　the　public　liberty；　not　to　have　a
proper　connection　with　the　public　interests；　so　constituted　as　not；
either　actually　or　virtually；　to　be　the　representative　of　the
people；　it　will　be　easy　to　prove　that　a　government　composed　of　a
monarchy；　an　oligarchy　chosen　by　the　Crown；　and　such　a　House　of
Commons；　whatever　good　can　be　in　such　a　system；　can　by　no　means　be　a
system　of　free　government。

The　Constitution　of　England　is　never　to　have　a　quietus；　it　is　to　be
continually　vilified；　attacked；　reproached；　resisted；　instead　of
being　the　hope　and　sure　anchor　in　all　storms；　instead　of　being　the
means　of　redress　to　all　grievances；　itself　is　the　grand　grievance　of
the　nation；　our　shame　instead　of　our　glory。　　If　the　only　specific
plan　proposedindividual；　personal　representationis　directly
rejected　by　the　person　who　is　looked　on　as　the　great　support　of　this
business；　then　the　only　way　of　considering　it　is　as　a　question　of
convenience。　　An　honourable　gentleman　prefers　the　individual　to　the
present。　　He　therefore　himself　sees　no　middle　term　whatsoever；　and
therefore　prefers　of　what　he　sees　the　individual；　this　is　the　only
thing　distinct　and　sensible　that　has　been　advocated。　　He　has　then　a
scheme；　which　is　the　individual　representation；　he　is　not　at　a　loss；
not　inconsistentwhich　scheme　the　other　right　honourable　gentleman
reprobates。　　Now；　what　does　this　go　to；　but　to　lead　directly　to
anarchy？　　For　to　discredit　the　only　government　which　he　either
possesses　or　can　project；　what　is　this　but　to　destroy　all
government；　and　this　is　anarchy。　　My　right　honourable　friend；　in
supporting　this　motion；　disgraces　his　friends　and　justifies　his
enemies；　in　order　to　blacken　the　Constitution　of　his　country；　even
of　that　House　of　Commons　which　supported　him。　　There　is　a　difference
between　a　moral　or　political　exposure　of　a　public　evil；　relative　to
the　administration　of　government；　whether　in　men　or　systems；　and　a
declaration　of　defects；　real　or　supposed；　in　the　fundamental
Constitution　of　your　country。　　The　first　may　be　cured　in　the
individual　by　the　motives　of　religion；　virtue；　honour；　fear；　shame；
or　interest。　　Men　may　be　made　to　abandon；　also；　false　systems　by
exposing　their　absurdity　or　mischievous　tendency　to　their　own　better
thoughts；　or　to　the　contempt　or　indignation　of　the　public；　and　after
all；　if　they　should　exist；　and　exist　uncorrected；　they　only　disgrace
individuals　as　fugitive　opinions。　　But　it　is　quite　otherwise　with
the　frame　and　Constitution　of　the　State；　if　that　is　disgraced；
patriotism　is　destroyed　in　its　very　source。　　No　man　has　ever
willingly　obeyed；　much　less　was　desirous　of　defending　with　his
blood；　a　mischievous　and　absurd　scheme　of　government。　　Our　first；
our　dearest；　most　comprehensive　relation；　our　country；　is　gone。

It　suggests　melancholy　reflections；　in　consequence　of　the　strange
course　we　have　long　held；　that　we　are　now　no　longer　quarrelling
about　the　character；　or　about　the　conduct　of　men；　or　the　tenor　of
measures；　but　we　are　grown　out　of　humour　with　the　English
Constitution　itself；　this　is　become　the　object　of　the　animosity　of
Englishmen。　　This　Constitution　in　former　days　used　to　be　the
admiration　and　the　envy　of　the　world；　it　was　the　pattern　for
politicians；　the　theme　of　the　eloquent；　the　meditation　of　the
philosopher　in　every　part　of　the　world。　　As　to　Englishmen；　it　was
their　pride；　their　consolation。　　By　it　they　lived；　for　it　they　were
ready　to　die。　　Its　defects；　if　it　had　any；　were　partly　covered　by
partiality；　and　partly　borne　by　prudence。　　Now　all　its　excellencies
are　forgotten；　its　faults　are　now　forcibly　dragged　into　day；
exaggerated　by　every　artifice　of　representation。　　It　is　despised　and
rejected　of　men；　and　every　device　and　invention　of　ingenuity；　or
idleness；　set　up　in　opposition　or　in　preference　to　it。　　It　is　to
this　humour；　and　it　is　to　the　measures　growing　out　of　it；　that　I　set
myself　（I　hope　not　alone）　in　the　most　determined　opposition。　　Never
before　did　we　at　any　time　in　this　country　meet　upon　the　theory　of
our　frame　of　government；　to　sit　in　judgment　on　the　Constitution　of
our　country；　to　call　it　as　a　delinquent　before　us；　and　to　accuse　it
of　every　defect　and　every　vice；　to　see　whether　it；　an　object　of　our
veneration；　even　our　adoration；　did　or　did　not　accord　with　a
preconceived　scheme　in　the　minds　of　certain　gentlemen。　　Cast　your
eyes　on　the　journals　of　Parliament。　　It　is　for　fear　of　losing　the
inestimable　treasure　we　have；　that　I　do　not　venture　to　game　it　out
of　my　hands　for　the　vain　hope　of　improving　it。　　I　look　with　filial
reverence　on　the　Constitution　of　my　country；　and　never　will　cut　it
in　pieces；　and　put　it　into　the　k