thoughts on the present discontents-第3节

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with　but　little　reflection；　and　good　with　little　self…denial；　in　the
business　of　all　times　except　their　own。　　We　are　very　uncorrupt　and
tolerably　enlightened　judges　of　the　transactions　of　past　ages；　where
no　passions　deceive；　and　where　the　whole　train　of　circumstances；
from　the　trifling　cause　to　the　tragical　event；　is　set　in　an　orderly
series　before　us。　　Few　are　the　partisans　of　departed　tyranny；　and　to
be　a　Whig　on　the　business　of　a　hundred　years　ago　is　very　consistent
with　every　advantage　of　present　servility。　　This　retrospective
wisdom　and　historical　patriotism　are　things　of　wonderful
convenience；　and　serve　admirably　to　reconcile　the　old　quarrel
between　speculation　and　practice。　　Many　a　stern　republican；　after
gorging　himself　with　a　full　feast　of　admiration　of　the　Grecian
commonwealths　and　of　our　true　Saxon　constitution；　and　discharging
all　the　splendid　bile　of　his　virtuous　indignation　on　King　John　and
King　James；　sits　down　perfectly　satisfied　to　the　coarsest　work　and
homeliest　job　of　the　day　he　lives　in。　　I　believe　there　was　no
professed　admirer　of　Henry　the　Eighth　among　the　instruments　of　the
last　King　James；　nor　in　the　court　of　Henry　the　Eighth　was　there；　I
dare　say；　to　be　found　a　single　advocate　for　the　favourites　of
Richard　the　Second。

No　complaisance　to　our　Court；　or　to　our　age；　can　make　me　believe
nature　to　be　so　changed　but　that　public　liberty　will　be　among　us；　as
among　our　ancestors；　obnoxious　to　some　person　or　other；　and　that
opportunities　will　be　furnished　for　attempting；　at　least；　some
alteration　to　the　prejudice　of　our　constitution。　　These　attempts
will　naturally　vary　in　their　mode；　according　to　times　and
circumstances。　　For　ambition；　though　it　has　ever　the　same　general
views；　has　not　at　all　times　the　same　means；　nor　the　same　particular
objects。　　A　great　deal　of　the　furniture　of　ancient　tyranny　is　worn
to　rags；　the　rest　is　entirely　out　of　fashion。　　Besides；　there　are
few　statesmen　so　very　clumsy　and　awkward　in　their　business　as　to
fall　into　the　identical　snare　which　has　proved　fatal　to　their
predecessors。　　When　an　arbitrary　imposition　is　attempted　upon　the
subject；　undoubtedly　it　will　not　bear　on　its　forehead　the　name　of
SHIP…MONEY。　　There　is　no　danger　that　an　extension　of　the　FOREST　LAWS
should　be　the　chosen　mode　of　oppression　in　this　age。　　And　when　we
hear　any　instance　of　ministerial　rapacity　to　the　prejudice　of　the
rights　of　private　life；　it　will　certainly　not　be　the　exaction　of　two
hundred　pullets；　from　a　woman　of　fashion；　for　leave　to　lie　with　her
own　husband。

Every　age　has　its　own　manners；　and　its　politics　dependent　upon　them；
and　the　same　attempts　will　not　be　made　against　a　constitution　fully
formed　and　matured；　that　were　used　to　destroy　it　in　the　cradle；　or
to　resist　its　growth　during　its　infancy。

Against　the　being　of　Parliament；　I　am　satisfied；　no　designs　have
ever　been　entertained　since　the　Revolution。　　Every　one　must　perceive
that　it　is　strongly　the　interest　of　the　Court　to　have　some　second
cause　interposed　between　the　Ministers　and　the　people。　　The
gentlemen　of　the　House　of　Commons　have　an　interest　equally　strong　in
sustaining　the　part　of　that　intermediate　cause。　　However　they　may
hire　out　the　usufruct　of　their　voices；　they　never　will　part　with　the
FEE　AND　INHERITANCE。　　Accordingly　those　who　have　been　of　the　most
known　devotion　to　the　will　and　pleasure　of　a　Court；　have　at　the　same
time　been　most　forward　in　asserting　a　high　authority　in　the　House　of
Commons。　　When　they　knew　who　were　to　use　that　authority；　and　how　it
was　to　be　employed；　they　thought　it　never　could　be　carried　too　far。
It　must　be　always　the　wish　of　an　unconstitutional　statesman；　that　a
House　of　Commons　who　are　entirely　dependent　upon　him；　should　have
every　right　of　the　people　entirely　dependent　upon　their　pleasure。
It　was　soon　discovered　that　the　forms　of　a　free；　and　the　ends　of　an
arbitrary　Government；　were　things　not　altogether　incompatible。

The　power　of　the　Crown；　almost　dead　and　rotten　as　Prerogative；　has
grown　up　anew；　with　much　more　strength；　and　far　less　odium；　under
the　name　of　Influence。　　An　influence　which　operated　without　noise
and　without　violence；　an　influence　which　converted　the　very
antagonist　into　the　instrument　of　power；　which　contained　in　itself　a
perpetual　principle　of　growth　and　renovation；　and　which　the
distresses　and　the　prosperity　of　the　country　equally　tended　to
augment；　was　an　admirable　substitute　for　a　prerogative　that；　being
only　the　offspring　of　antiquated　prejudices；　had　moulded　in　its
original　stamina　irresistible　principles　of　decay　and　dissolution。
The　ignorance　of　the　people　is　a　bottom　but　for　a　temporary　system；
the　interest　of　active　men　in　the　State　is　a　foundation　perpetual
and　infallible。　　However；　some　circumstances；　arising；　it　must　be
confessed；　in　a　great　degree　from　accident；　prevented　the　effects　of
this　influence　for　a　long　time　from　breaking　out　in　a　manner　capable
of　exciting　any　serious　apprehensions。　　Although　Government　was
strong　and　flourished　exceedingly；　the　COURT　had　drawn　far　less
advantage　than　one　would　imagine　from　this　great　source　of　power。


At　the　Revolution；　the　Crown；　deprived；　for　the　ends　of　the
Revolution　itself；　of　many　prerogatives；　was　found　too　weak　to
struggle　against　all　the　difficulties　which　pressed　so　new　and
unsettled　a　Government。　　The　Court　was　obliged　therefore　to　delegate
a　part　of　its　powers　to　men　of　such　interest　as　could　support；　and
of　such　fidelity　as　would　adhere　to；　its　establishment。　　Such　men
were　able　to　draw　in　a　greater　number　to　a　concurrence　in　the　common
defence。　　This　connection；　necessary　at　first；　continued　long　after
convenient；　and　properly　conducted　might　indeed；　in　all　situations；
be　a　useful　instrument　of　Government。　　At　the　same　time；　through　the
intervention　of　men　of　popular　weight　and　character；　the　people
possessed　a　security　for　their　just　proportion　of　importance　in　the
State。　　But　as　the　title　to　the　Crown　grew　stronger　by　long
possession；　and　by　the　constant　increase　of　its　influence；　these
helps　have　of　late　seemed　to　certain　persons　no　better　than
incumbrances。　　The　powerful　managers　for　Government　were　not
sufficiently　submissive　to　the　pleasure　of　the　possessors　of
immediate　and　personal　favour；　sometimes　from　a　confidence　in　their
own　strength；　natural　and　acquired；　sometimes　from　a　fear　of
offending　their　friends；　and　weakening　that　lead　in　the　country；
which　gave　them　a　consideration　independent　of　the　Court。　　Men　acted
as　if　the　Court　could　receive；　as　well　as　confer；　an　obligation。
The　influence　of　Government；　thus　divided　in　appearance　between　the
Court　and　the　leaders　of　parties；　became　in　many　cases　an　accession
rather　to　the　popular　than　to　the　royal　scale；　and　some　part　of　that
influence；　which　would　otherwise　have　been　possessed　as　in　a　sort　of
mortmain　and　unalienable　domain；　returned　again　to　the　great　ocean
from　whence　it　arose；　and　circulated　among　the　people。　　This　method
therefore　of　governing　by　men　of　great　natural　interest　or　great
acquired　consideration；　was　viewed　in　a　very　invidious　light　by　the
true　lovers　of　absolute　monarchy。　　It　is　the　nature　of　despotism　to
abhor　power　held　by　any　means　but　its　own　momentary　pleasure；　and　to
annihilate　all　intermediate　situations　between　boundless　strength　on
its　own　part；　and　total　debility　on　the　part　of　the　people。

To　get　rid　of　all　this　intermediate　and　independent　importance；　and
TO　SECURE　TO　THE　COURT　THE　UNLIMITED　AND　UNCONTROLLED　USE　OF　ITS　OWN
VAST　INFLUENCE；　UNDER　THE　SOLE　DIRECTION　OF　ITS　OWN　PRIVATE　FAVOUR；
has　for　some　years　past　been　the　great　object　of　policy。　　If　this
were　compassed；　the　influence　of　the　Crown　must　of　course　produce
all　the　effects　which　the　most　sanguine　partisans　of　the　Court　could
possibly　desire。　　Government　might　then　be　carried　on　without　any
concurrence　on　the　part　of　the　people；　without　any　attention　to　the
dignity　of　the　greater；　or　to　the　affections　of　the　lower　sorts。　　A
new　project　was　therefore　devised　by　a　certain　set　of　intriguing
men；　totally　different　from　the　system　of　Administration　which　had
prevailed　since　the　accession　of　the　House　of　Brunswick。　　This
project；　I　have　heard；　was　first　conceived　by　some　persons　in　the
Court　of　Frederick；　Prince　of　Wales。

The　earliest　attempt　in　the　execution　of　this　design　was　to　set　up
for　Minister　a　person；　in　rank　indeed　respectable；　and　very　ample　in
fortune；　but　who；　to　the　moment　of　this　vast　and　sudden　elevation；
was　little　known　or　considered　in　the　kingdom。　　To　him　the　whole
nation　was　to　yield　an　immediate　and　implicit　submission。　　But
whether　it　was　from　want　of　firmness　to　bear　up　against　the　first
opposition；　or　that　things　were　not　yet　fully　ripened；　or　that　this
method　was　not　found　the　most　eligible；　that　idea　was　soon
abandoned。　　The　instrumental　part　of　the　project　was　a　little
altered；　to　accommodate　it　to　the　time；　and　to　bring　things　more
gradually　and　more　surely　to　the　one　great　end　proposed。

The　first　part　of　the　reformed　plan　was　to　draw　A　LINE　WHICH　SHOULD
SEPARATE　THE　COURT　FROM　THE　MINISTRY。　　Hitherto　these　names　had　been
looked　upon　as　synonymous；　but；　for　the　future；　Court　and
Administration　were　to　b