thoughts on the present discontents-第28节

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the　following　ill　effects：…　It　would　make　the　member　more
shamelessly　and　shockingly　corrupt；　it　would　increase　his　dependence
on　those　who　could　best　support　him　at　his　election；　it　would　wrack
and　tear　to　pieces　the　fortunes　of　those　who　stood　upon　their　own
fortunes　and　their　private　interest；　it　would　make　the　electors
infinitely　more　venal；　and　it　would　make　the　whole　body　of　the
people；　who　are；　whether　they　have　votes　or　not；　concerned　in
elections；　more　lawless；　more　idle；　more　debauched；　it　would　utterly
destroy　the　sobriety；　the　industry；　the　integrity；　the　simplicity　of
all　the　people；　and　undermine；　I　am　much　afraid；　the　deepest　and
best　laid　foundations　of　the　commonwealth。

Those　who　have　spoken　and　written　upon　this　subject　without　doors；
do　not　so　much　deny　the　probable　existence　of　these　inconveniences
in　their　measure；　as　they　trust　for　the　prevention　to　remedies　of
various　sorts；　which　they　propose。　　First；　a　place　bill；　but　if　this
will　not　do；　as　they　fear　it　will　not；　then；　they　say；　we　will　have
a　rotation；　and　a　certain　number　of　you　shall　be　rendered　incapable
of　being　elected　for　ten　years。　　Then；　for　the　electors；　they　shall
ballot；　the　members　of　parliament　also　shall　decide　by　ballot；　and　a
fifth　project　is　the　change　of　the　present　legal　representation　of
the　kingdom。　　On　all　this　I　shall　observe；　that　it　will　be　very
unsuitable　to　your　wisdom　to　adopt　the　project　of　a　bill；　to　which
there　are　objections　insuperable　by　anything　in　the　bill　itself；
upon　the　hope　that　those　objections　may　be　removed　by　subsequent
projects；　every　one　of　which　is　full　of　difficulties　of　its　own；　and
which　are　all　of　them　very　essential　alterations　in　the
Constitution。　　This　seems　very　irregular　and　unusual。　　If　anything
should　make　this　a　very　doubtful　measure；　what　can　make　it　more　so
than　that；　in　the　opinion　of　its　advocates；　it　would　aggravate　all
our　old　inconveniences　in　such　a　manner　as　to　require　a　total
alteration　in　the　Constitution　of　the　kingdom？　　If　the　remedies　are
proper　in　a　triennial；　they　will　not　be　less　so　in　septennial
elections；　let　us　try　them　first；　see　how　the　House　relishes　them；
see　how　they　will　operate　in　the　nation；　and　then；　having　felt　your
way；　you　will　be　prepared　against　these　inconveniences。

The　honourable　gentleman　sees　that　I　respect　the　principle　upon
which　he　goes；　as　well　as　his　intentions　and　his　abilities。　　He　will
believe　that　I　do　not　differ　from　him　wantonly；　and　on　trivial
grounds。　　He　is　very　sure　that　it　was　not　his　embracing　one　way
which　determined　me　to　take　the　other。　　I　have　not；　in　newspapers；
to　derogate　from　his　fair　fame　with　the　nation；　printed　the　first
rude　sketch　of　his　bill　with　ungenerous　and　invidious　comments。　　I
have　not；　in　conversations　industriously　circulated　about　the　town；
and　talked　on　the　benches　of　this　House；　attributed　his　conduct　to
motives　low　and　unworthy；　and　as　groundless　as　they　are　injurious。
I　do　not　affect　to　be　frightened　with　this　proposition；　as　if　some
hideous　spectre　had　started　from　hell；　which　was　to　be　sent　back
again　by　every　form　of　exorcism；　and　every　kind　of　incantation。　　I
invoke　no　Acheron　to　overwhelm　him　in　the　whirlpools　of　his　muddy
gulf。　　I　do　not　tell　the　respectable　mover　and　seconder；　by　a
perversion　of　their　sense　and　expressions；　that　their　proposition
halts　between　the　ridiculous　and　the　dangerous。　　I　am　not　one　of
those　who　start　up　three　at　a　time；　and　fall　upon　and　strike　at　him
with　so　much　eagerness；　that　our　daggers　hack　one　another　in　his
sides。　　My　honourable　friend　has　not　brought　down　a　spirited　imp　of
chivalry；　to　win　the　first　achievement　and　blazon　of　arms　on　his
milk…white　shield　in　a　field　listed　against　him；　nor　brought　out　the
generous　offspring　of　lions；　and　said　to　them；　〃Not　against　that
side　of　the　forest；　beware　of　thathere　is　the　prey　where　you　are
to　fasten　your　paws；〃　and　seasoning　his　unpractised　jaws　with　blood；
tell　him；　〃This　is　the　milk　for　which　you　are　to　thirst　hereafter。〃
We　furnish　at　his　expense　no　holiday；　nor　suspend　hell　that　a　crafty
Ixion　may　have　rest　from　his　wheel；　nor　give　the　common　adversary；
if　he　be　a　common　adversary；　reason　to　say；　〃I　would　have　put　in　my
word　to　oppose；　but　the　eagerness　of　your　allies　in　your　social　war
was　such　that　I　could　not　break　in　upon　you。〃　　I　hope　he　sees　and
feels；　and　that　every　member　sees　and　feels　along　with　him；　the
difference　between　amicable　dissent　and　civil　discord。



SPEECH　ON　REFORM　OF　REPRESENTATION　IN　THE　HOUSE　OF　COMMONS
June；　1784



Mr。　Speaker；We　have　now　discovered；　at　the　close　of　the　eighteenth
century；　that　the　Constitution　of　England；　which　for　a　series　of
ages　had　been　the　proud　distinction　of　this　country；　always　the
admiration；　and　sometimes　the　envy；　of　the　wise　and　learned　in　every
other　nationwe　have　discovered　that　this　boasted　Constitution；　in
the　most　boasted　part　of　it；　is　a　gross　imposition　upon　the
understanding　of　mankind；　an　insult　to　their　feelings；　and　acting　by
contrivances　destructive　to　the　best　and　most　valuable　interests　of
the　people。　　Our　political　architects　have　taken　a　survey　of　the
fabric　of　the　British　Constitution。　　It　is　singular　that　they　report
nothing　against　the　Crown；　nothing　against　the　Lords；　but　in　the
House　of　Commons　everything　is　unsound；　it　is　ruinous　in　every　part。
It　is　infested　by　the　dry　rot；　and　ready　to　tumble　about　our　ears
without　their　immediate　help。　　You　know　by　the　faults　they　find　what
are　their　ideas　of　the　alteration。　　As　all　government　stands　upon
opinion；　they　know　that　the　way　utterly　to　destroy　it　is　to　remove
that　opinion；　to　take　away　all　reverence；　all　confidence　from　it；
and　then；　at　the　first　blast　of　public　discontent　and　popular
tumult；　it　tumbles　to　the　ground。

In　considering　this　question；　they　who　oppose　it；　oppose　it　on
different　grounds；　one　is　in　the　nature　of　a　previous　questionthat
some　alterations　may　be　expedient；　but　that　this　is　not　the　time　for
making　them。　　The　other　is；　that　no　essential　alterations　are　at　all
wanting；　and　that　neither　now；　nor　at　any　time；　is　it　prudent　or
safe　to　be　meddling　with　the　fundamental　principles　and　ancient
tried　usages　of　our　Constitutionthat　our　representation　is　as
nearly　perfect　as　the　necessary　imperfection　of　human　affairs　and　of
human　creatures　will　suffer　it　to　be；　and　that　it　is　a　subject　of
prudent　and　honest　use　and　thankful　enjoyment；　and　not　of　captious
criticism　and　rash　experiment。

On　the　other　side；　there　are　two　parties；　who　proceed　on　two
groundsin　my　opinion；　as　they　state　them；　utterly　irreconcilable。
The　one　is　juridical；　the　other　political。　　The　one　is　in　the　nature
of　a　claim　of　right；　on　the　supposed　rights　of　man　as　man；　this
party　desire　the　decision　of　a　suit。　　The　other　ground；　as　far　as　I
can　divine　what　it　directly　means；　is；　that　the　representation　is
not　so　politically　framed　as　to　answer　the　theory　of　its
institution。　　As　to　the　claim　of　right；　the　meanest　petitioner；　the
most　gross　and　ignorant；　is　as　good　as　the　best；　in　some　respects
his　claim　is　more　favourable　on　account　of　his　ignorance；　his
weakness；　his　poverty　and　distress　only　add　to　his　titles；　he　sues
in　forma　pauperis：　　he　ought　to　be　a　favourite　of　the　Court。　　But
when　the　other　ground　is　taken；　when　the　question　is　political；　when
a　new　Constitution　is　to　be　made　on　a　sound　theory　of　government；
then　the　presumptuous　pride　of　didactic　ignorance　is　to　be　excluded
from　the　council　in　this　high　and　arduous　matter；　which　often　bids
defiance　to　the　experience　of　the　wisest。　　The　first　claims　a
personal　representation；　the　latter　rejects　it　with　scorn　and
fervour。　　The　language　of　the　first　party　is　plain　and　intelligible；
they　who　plead　an　absolute　right；　cannot　be　satisfied　with　anything
short　of　personal　representation；　because　all　natural　rights　must　be
the　rights　of　individuals：　　as　by　nature　there　is　no　such　thing　as
politic　or　corporate　personality；　all　these　ideas　are　mere　fictions
of　law；　they　are　creatures　of　voluntary　institution；　men　as　men　are
individuals；　and　nothing　else。　　They；　therefore；　who　reject　the
principle　of　natural　and　personal　representation；　are　essentially
and　eternally　at　variance　with　those　who　claim　it。　　As　to　the　first
sort　of　reformers；　it　is　ridiculous　to　talk　to　them　of　the　British
Constitution　upon　any　or　all　of　its　bases；　for　they　lay　it　down；
that　every　man　ought　to　govern　himself；　and　that　where　he　cannot　go
himself　he　must　send　his　representative；　that　all　other　government
is　usurpation；　and　is　so　far　from　having　a　claim　to　our　obedience；
that　it　is　not　only　our　right；　but　our　duty；　to　resist　it。　　Nine…
tenths　of　the　reformers　argue　thusthat　is；　on　the　natural　right。
It　is　impossible　not　to　make　some　reflection　on　the　nature　of　this
claim；　or　avoid　a　comparison　between　the　extent　of　the　principle　and
the　present　object　of　the　demand。　　If　this　claim　be　founded；　it　is
clear　to　what　it　goes。　　The　House　of　Commons；　in　that　light；
undoubtedly　is　no　representative　of　the　people　as　a　collection　of
individuals。　　Nobody　pretends　it；　nobody　can　justify　such　an
assertion。　　When　you　come　to　examine　into　this　claim　of　right；
founded　on　th