thoughts on the present discontents-第26节

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either　from　their　known　inability；　or　total　indifference　about　the
performance；　never　fail　to　entertain　the　most　lofty　ideas。　　They　are
certainly　the　most　specious；　and　they　cost　them　neither　reflection
to　frame；　nor　pains　to　modify；　nor　management　to　support。　　The　task
is　of　another　nature　to　those　who　mean　to　promise　nothing　that　it　is
not　in　their　intentions；　or　may　possibly　be　in　their　power　to
perform；　to　those　who　are　bound　and　principled　no　more　to　delude　the
understandings　than　to　violate　the　liberty　of　their　fellow…subjects。
Faithful　watchmen　we　ought　to　be　over　the　rights　and　privileges　of
the　people。　　But　our　duty；　if　we　are　qualified　for　it　as　we　ought；
is　to　give　them　information；　and　not　to　receive　it　from　them；　we　are
not　to　go　to　school　to　them　to　learn　the　principles　of　law　and
government。　　In　doing　so　we　should　not　dutifully　serve；　but　we
should　basely　and　scandalously　betray；　the　people；　who　are　not
capable　of　this　service　by　nature；　nor　in　any　instance　called　to　it
by　the　Constitution。　　I　reverentially　look　up　to　the　opinion　of　the
people；　and　with　an　awe　that　is　almost　superstitious。　　I　should　be
ashamed　to　show　my　face　before　them；　if　I　changed　my　ground；　as　they
cried　up　or　cried　down　men；　or　things；　or　opinions；　if　I　wavered　and
shifted　about　with　every　change；　and　joined　in　it；　or　opposed；　as
best　answered　any　low　interest　or　passion；　if　I　held　them　up　hopes；
which　I　knew　I　never　intended；　or　promised　what　I　well　knew　I　could
not　perform。　　Of　all　these　things　they　are　perfect　sovereign　judges
without　appeal；　but　as　to　the　detail　of　particular　measures；　or　to
any　general　schemes　of　policy；　they　have　neither　enough　of
speculation　in　the　closet；　nor　of　experience　in　business；　to　decide
upon　it。　　They　can　well　see　whether　we　are　tools　of　a　court；　or
their　honest　servants。　　Of　that　they　can　well　judge；　and　I　wish　that
they　always　exercised　their　judgment；　but　of　the　particular　merits
of　a　measure　I　have　other　standards。　　That　the　frequency　of
elections　proposed　by　this　bill　has　a　tendency　to　increase　the　power
and　consideration　of　the　electors；　not　lessen　corruptibility；　I　do
most　readily　allow；　so　far　as　it　is　desirable；　this　is　what　it　has；
I　will　tell　you　now　what　it　has　not：　　1st。　　It　has　no　sort　of
tendency　to　increase　their　integrity　and　public　spirit；　unless　an
increase　of　power　has　an　operation　upon　voters　in　elections；　that　it
has　in　no　other　situation　in　the　world；　and　upon　no　other　part　of
mankind。　2nd。　　This　bill　has　no　tendency　to　limit　the　quantity　of
influence　in　the　Crown；　to　render　its　operation　more　difficult；　or
to　counteract　that　operation；　which　it　cannot　prevent；　in　any　way
whatsoever。　　It　has　its　full　weight；　its　full　range；　and　its
uncontrolled　operation　on　the　electors　exactly　as　it　had　before。
3rd。　　Nor；　thirdly；　does　it　abate　the　interest　or　inclination　of
Ministers　to　apply　that　influence　to　the　electors：　　on　the　contrary；
it　renders　it　much　more　necessary　to　them；　if　they　seek　to　have　a
majority　in　parliament；　to　increase　the　means　of　that　influence；　and
redouble　their　diligence；　and　to　sharpen　dexterity　in　the
application。　　The　whole　effect　of　the　bill　is　therefore　the　removing
the　application　of　some　part　of　the　influence　from　the　elected　to
the　electors；　and　further　to　strengthen　and　extend　a　court　interest
already　great　and　powerful　in　boroughs；　here　to　fix　their　magazines
and　places　of　arms；　and　thus　to　make　them　the　principal；　not　the
secondary；　theatre　of　their　manoeuvres　for　securing　a　determined
majority　in　parliament。

I　believe　nobody　will　deny　that　the　electors　are　corruptible。　　They
are　men；　it　is　saying　nothing　worse　of　them；　many　of　them　are　but
ill…informed　in　their　minds；　many　feeble　in　their　circumstances；
easily　over…reached；　easily　seduced。　　If　they　are　many；　the　wages　of
corruption　are　the　lower；　and　would　to　God　it　were　not　rather　a
contemptible　and　hypocritical　adulation　than　a　charitable　sentiment；
to　say　that　there　is　already　no　debauchery；　no　corruption；　no
bribery；　no　perjury；　no　blind　fury；　and　interested　faction　among　the
electors　in　many　parts　of　this　kingdom：　　nor　is　it　surprising；　or　at
all　blamable；　in　that　class　of　private　men；　when　they　see　their
neighbours　aggrandised；　and　themselves　poor　and　virtuous；　without
that　eclat　or　dignity　which　attends　men　in　higher　stations。

But　admit　it　were　true　that　the　great　mass　of　the　electors　were　too
vast　an　object　for　court　influence　to　grasp；　or　extend　to；　and　that
in　despair　they　must　abandon　it；　he　must　be　very　ignorant　of　the
state　of　every　popular　interest；　who　does　not　know　that　in　all　the
corporations；　all　the　open　boroughsindeed；　in　every　district　of
the　kingdomthere　is　some　leading　man；　some　agitator；　some　wealthy
merchant；　or　considerable　manufacturer；　some　active　attorney；　some
popular　preacher；　some　money…lender；　&c。；　&c。；　who　is　followed　by
the　whole　flock。　　This　is　the　style　of　all　free　countries。


…　Multum　in　Fabia　valet　hic；　valet　ille　Velina；
Cuilibet　hic　fasces　dabit　eripietque　curule。


These　spirits；　each　of　which　informs　and　governs　his　own　little　orb；
are　neither　so　many；　nor　so　little　powerful；　nor　so　incorruptible；
but　that　a　Minister　may；　as　he　does　frequently；　find　means　of
gaining　them；　and　through　them　all　their　followers。　　To　establish；
therefore；　a　very　general　influence　among　electors　will　no　more　be
found　an　impracticable　project；　than　to　gain　an　undue　influence　over
members　of　parliament。　　Therefore　I　am　apprehensive　that　this　bill；
though　it　shifts　the　place　of　the　disorder；　does　by　no　means　relieve
the　Constitution。　　I　went　through　almost　every　contested　election　in
the　beginning　of　this　parliament；　and　acted　as　a　manager　in　very
many　of　them：　　by　which；　though　at　a　school　of　pretty　severe　and
ragged　discipline；　I　came　to　have　some　degree　of　instruction
concerning　the　means　by　which　parliamentary　interests　are　in　general
procured　and　supported。

Theory；　I　know；　would　suppose；　that　every　general　election　is　to　the
representative　a　day　of　judgment；　in　which　he　appears　before　his
constituents　to　account　for　the　use　of　the　talent　with　which　they
entrusted　him；　and　of　the　improvement　he　had　made　of　it　for　the
public　advantage。　　It　would　be　so；　if　every　corruptible
representative　were　to　find　an　enlightened　and　incorruptible
constituent。　　But　the　practice　and　knowledge　of　the　world　will　not
suffer　us　to　be　ignorant；　that　the　Constitution　on　paper　is　one
thing；　and　in　fact　and　experience　is　another。　　We　must　know　that　the
candidate；　instead　of　trusting　at　his　election　to　the　testimony　of
his　behaviour　in　parliament；　must　bring　the　testimony　of　a　large　sum
of　money；　the　capacity　of　liberal　expense　in　entertainments；　the
power　of　serving　and　obliging　the　rulers　of　corporations；　of　winning
over　the　popular　leaders　of　political　clubs；　associations；　and
neighbourhoods。　　It　is　ten　thousand　times　more　necessary　to　show
himself　a　man　of　power；　than　a　man　of　integrity；　in　almost　all　the
elections　with　which　I　have　been　acquainted。　　Elections；　therefore；
become　a　matter　of　heavy　expense；　and　if　contests　are　frequent；　to
many　they　will　become　a　matter　of　an　expense　totally　ruinous；　which
no　fortunes　can　bear；　but　least　of　all　the　landed　fortunes；
encumbered　as　they　often；　indeed　as　they　mostly　are；　with　debts；
with　portions；　with　jointures；　and　tied　up　in　the　hands　of　the
possessor　by　the　limitations　of　settlement。　　It　is　a　material；　it　is
in　my　opinion　a　lasting；　consideration；　in　all　the　questions
concerning　election。　　Let　no　one　think　the　charges　of　election　a
trivial　matter。

The　charge；　therefore；　of　elections　ought　never　to　be　lost　sight　of；
in　a　question　concerning　their　frequency；　because　the　grand　object
you　seek　is　independence。　　Independence　of　mind　will　ever　be　more　or
less　influenced　by　independence　of　fortune；　and　if；　every　three
years；　the　exhausting　sluices　of　entertainments；　drinkings；　open
houses；　to　say　nothing　of　bribery；　are　to　be　periodically　drawn　up
and　renewedif　government　favours；　for　which　now；　in　some　shape　or
other；　the　whole　race　of　men　are　candidates；　are　to　be　called　for
upon　every　occasion；　I　see　that　private　fortunes　will　be　washed
away；　and　every；　even　to　the　least；　trace　of　independence；　borne
down　by　the　torrent。　　I　do　not　seriously　think　this　Constitution；
even　to　the　wrecks　of　it；　could　survive　five　triennial　elections。
If　you　are　to　fight　the　battle；　you　must　put　on　the　armour　of　the
Ministry；　you　must　call　in　the　public；　to　the　aid　of　private；　money。
The　expense　of　the　last　election　has　been　computed　（and　I　am
persuaded　that　it　has　not　been　overrated）　at　1；500；000　pounds；　three
shillings　in　the　pound　more　on　the　Land　Tax。　　About　the　close　of　the
last　Parliament；　and　the　beginning　of　this；　several　agents　for
boroughs　went　about；　and　I　remember　well　that　it　was　in　every　one　of
their　mouths〃Sir；　your　election　will　cost　you　three　thousand
pounds；　if　you　are　independent；　but　if　the　Ministry　supports　you；　it
may　be　done　for　two；　and　perhaps　for　less；〃　and；　indeed；　the　thing
spoke　itself。　　Where　a　living　was　to　be　got　for　one；　a　commission　in
the　army　for　another；　a　post　in　the　navy　for　a　third；　and　Custom…
house　offices