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by practices below the level of vulgar rectitude。

It is an advantage to all narrow wisdom and narrow morals that their
maxims have a plausible air; and; on a cursory view; appear equal to
first principles。  They are light and portable。  They are as current
as copper coin; and about as valuable。  They serve equally the first
capacities and the lowest; and they are; at least; as useful to the
worst men as the best。  Of this stamp is the cant of NOT MEN; BUT
MEASURES; a sort of charm; by which many people got loose from every
honourable engagement。  When I see a man acting this desultory and
disconnected part; with as much detriment to his own fortune as
prejudice to the cause of any party; I am not persuaded that he is
right; but I am ready to believe he is in earnest。  I respect virtue
in all its situations; even when it is found in the unsuitable
company of weakness。  I lament to see qualities; rare and valuable;
squandered away without any public utility。  But when a gentleman
with great visible emoluments abandons the party in which he has
long acted; and tells you it is because he proceeds upon his own
judgment that he acts on the merits of the several measures as they
arise; and that he is obliged to follow his own conscience; and not
that of others; he gives reasons which it is impossible to
controvert; and discovers a character which it is impossible to
mistake。  What shall we think of him who never differed from a
certain set of men until the moment they lost their power; and who
never agreed with them in a single instance afterwards?  Would not
such a coincidence of interest and opinion be rather fortunate?
Would it not be an extraordinary cast upon the dice that a man's
connections should degenerate into faction; precisely at the
critical moment when they lose their power or he accepts a place?
When people desert their connections; the desertion is a manifest
fact; upon which a direct simple issue lies; triable by plain men。
Whether a MEASURE of Government be right or wrong is NO MATTER OF
FACT; but a mere affair of opinion; on which men may; as they do;
dispute and wrangle without end。  But whether the individual thinks
the measure right or wrong is a point at still a greater distance
from the reach of all human decision。  It is therefore very
convenient to politicians not to put the judgment of their conduct
on overt acts; cognisable in any ordinary court; but upon such a
matter as can be triable only in that secret tribunal; where they
are sure of being heard with favour; or where at worst the sentence
will be only private whipping。

I believe the reader would wish to find no substance in a doctrine
which has a tendency to destroy all test of character as deduced
from conduct。  He will therefore excuse my adding something more
towards the further clearing up a point which the great convenience
of obscurity to dishonesty has been able to cover with some degree
of darkness and doubt。

In order to throw an odium on political connection; these
politicians suppose it a necessary incident to it that you are
blindly to follow the opinions of your party when in direct
opposition to your own clear ideas; a degree of servitude that no
worthy man could bear the thought of submitting to; and such as; I
believe; no connections (except some Court factions) ever could be
so senselessly tyrannical as to impose。  Men thinking freely will;
in particular instances; think differently。  But still; as the
greater Part of the measures which arise in the course of public
business are related to; or dependent on; some great leading general
principles in Government; a man must be peculiarly unfortunate in
the choice of his political company if he does not agree with them
at least nine times in ten。  If he does not concur in these general
principles upon which the party is founded; and which necessarily
draw on a concurrence in their application; he ought from the
beginning to have chosen some other; more conformable to his
opinions。  When the question is in its nature doubtful; or not very
material; the modesty which becomes an individual; and (in spite of
our Court moralists) that partiality which becomes a well…chosen
friendship; will frequently bring on an acquiescence in the general
sentiment。  Thus the disagreement will naturally be rare; it will be
only enough to indulge freedom; without violating concord or
disturbing arrangement。  And this is all that ever was required for
a character of the greatest uniformity and steadiness in connection。
How men can proceed without any connection at all is to me utterly
incomprehensible。  Of what sort of materials must that man be made;
how must he be tempered and put together; who can sit whole years in
Parliament; with five hundred and fifty of his fellow…citizens;
amidst the storm of such tempestuous passions; in the sharp conflict
of so many wits; and tempers; and characters; in the agitation of
such mighty questions; in the discussion of such vast and ponderous
interests; without seeing any one sort of men; whose character;
conduct; or disposition would lead him to associate himself with
them; to aid and be aided; in any one system of public utility?

I remember an old scholastic aphorism; which says that 〃the man who
lives wholly detached from others must be either an angel or a
devil。〃  When I see in any of these detached gentlemen of our times
the angelic purity; power; and beneficence; I shall admit them to be
angels。  In the meantime; we are born only to be men。  We shall do
enough if we form ourselves to be good ones。  It is therefore our
business carefully to cultivate in our minds; to rear to the most
perfect vigour and maturity; every sort of generous and honest
feeling that belongs to our nature。  To bring the; dispositions that
are lovely in private life into the service and conduct of the
commonwealth; so to be patriots; as not to forget we are gentlemen。
To cultivate friendships; and to incur enmities。  To have both
strong; but both selected:  in the one; to be placable; in the
other; immovable。  To model our principles to our duties and our
situation。  To be fully persuaded that all virtue which is
impracticable is spurious; and rather to run the risk of falling
into faults in a course which leads us to act with effect and energy
than to loiter out our days without blame and without use。  Public
life is a situation of power and energy; he trespasses against his
duty who sleeps upon his watch; as well as he that goes over to the
enemy。

There is; however; a time for all things。  It is not every
conjuncture which calls with equal force upon the activity of honest
men; but critical exigences now and then arise; and I am mistaken if
this be not one of them。  Men will see the necessity of honest
combination; but they may see it when it is too late。  They may
embody when it will be ruinous to themselves; and of no advantage to
the country; when; for want of such a timely union as may enable
them to oppose in favour of the laws; with the laws on their side;
they may at length find themselves under the necessity of
conspiring; instead of consulting。  The law; for which they stand;
may become a weapon in the hands of its bitterest enemies; and they
will be cast; at length; into that miserable alternative; between
slavery and civil confusion; which no good man can look upon without
horror; an alternative in which it is impossible he should take
either part with a conscience perfectly at repose。  To keep that
situation of guilt and remorse at the utmost distance is; therefore;
our first obligation。  Early activity may prevent late and fruitless
violence。  As yet we work in the light。  The scheme of the enemies
of public tranquillity has disarranged; it has not destroyed us。

If the reader believes that there really exists such a Faction as I
have described; a Faction ruling by the private inclinations of a
Court; against the general sense of the people; and that this
Faction; whilst it pursues a scheme for undermining all the
foundations of our freedom; weakens (for the present at least) all
the powers of executory Government; rendering us abroad
contemptible; and at home distracted; he will believe; also; that
nothing but a firm combination of public men against this body; and
that; too; supported by the hearty concurrence of the people at
large; can possibly get the better of it。  The people will see the
necessity of restoring public men to an attention to the public
opinion; and of restoring the Constitution to its original
principles。  Above all; they will endeavour to keep the House of
Commons from assuming a character which does not belong to it。  They
will endeavour to keep that House; for its existence for its powers;
and its privileges; as independent of every other; and as dependent
upon themselves; as possible。  This servitude is to a House of
Commons (like obedience to the Divine law); 〃perfect freedom。〃  For
if they once quit this natural; rational; and liberal obedience;
having deserted the only proper foundation of their power; they must
seek a support in an abject and unnatural dependence somewhere else。
When; through the medium of this ju

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