thoughts on the present discontents-第16节

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expenses　regulated；　that；　although　many　parts　of　the　establishment
of　the　Court　were　upon　a　larger　and　more　liberal　scale　than　they
have　been　since；　there　was　a　considerable　sum　in　hand；　on　his
decease；　amounting　to　about　170；000　pounds；　applicable　to　the
service　of　the　Civil　List　of　his　present　Majesty。　　So　that；　if　this
reign　commenced　with　a　greater　charge　than　usual；　there　was　enough；
and　more　than　enough；　abundantly　to　supply　all　the　extraordinary
expense。　　That　the　Civil　List　should　have　been　exceeded　in　the　two
former　reigns；　especially　in　the　reign　of　George　the　First；　was　not
at　all　surprising。　　His　revenue　was　but　700；000　pounds　annually；　if
it　ever　produced　so　much　clear。　　The　prodigious　and　dangerous
disaffection　to　the　very　being　of　the　establishment；　and　the　cause
of　a　Pretender　then　powerfully　abetted　from　abroad；　produced　many
demands　of　an　extraordinary　nature　both　abroad　and　at　home。　　Much
management　and　great　expenses　were　necessary。　　But　the　throne　of　no
Prince　has　stood　upon　more　unshaken　foundations　than　that　of　his
present　Majesty。

To　have　exceeded　the　sum　given　for　the　Civil　List；　and　to　have
incurred　a　debt　without　special　authority　of　Parliament；　was；　prima
facie；　a　criminal　act：　　as　such　Ministers　ought　naturally　rather　to
have　withdrawn　it　from　the　inspection；　than　to　have　exposed　it　to
the　scrutiny；　of　Parliament。　　Certainly　they　ought；　of　themselves；
officially　to　have　come　armed　with　every　sort　of　argument；　which；　by
explaining；　could　excuse　a　matter　in　itself　of　presumptive　guilt。
But　the　terrors　of　the　House　of　Commons　are　no　longer　for　Ministers。

On　the　other　hand；　the　peculiar　character　of　the　House　of　Commons；
as　trustee　of　the　public　purse；　would　have　led　them　to　call　with　a
punctilious　solicitude　for　every　public　account；　and　to　have
examined　into　them　with　the　most　rigorous　accuracy。

The　capital　use　of　an　account　is；　that　the　reality　of　the　charge；
the　reason　of　incurring　it；　and　the　justice　and　necessity　of
discharging　it；　should　all　appear　antecedent　to　the　payment。　　No　man
ever　pays　first；　and　calls　for　his　account　afterwards；　because　he
would　thereby　let　out　of　his　hands　the　principal；　and　indeed　only
effectual；　means　of　compelling　a　full　and　fair　one。　　But；　in
national　business；　there　is　an　additional　reason　for　a　previous
production　of　every　account。　　It　is　a　cheek；　perhaps　the　only　one；
upon　a　corrupt　and　prodigal　use　of　public　money。　　An　account　after
payment　is　to　no　rational　purpose　an　account。　　However；　the　House　of
Commons　thought　all　these　to　be　antiquated　principles；　they　were　of
opinion　that　the　most　Parliamentary　way　of　proceeding　was；　to　pay
first　what　the　Court　thought　proper　to　demand；　and　to　take　its
chance　for　an　examination　into　accounts　at　some　time　of　greater
leisure。

The　nation　had　settled　800；000　pounds　a　year　on　the　Crown；　as
sufficient　for　the　purpose　of　its　dignity；　upon　the　estimate　of　its
own　Ministers。　　When　Ministers　came　to　Parliament；　and　said　that
this　allowance　had　not　been　sufficient　for　the　purpose；　and　that
they　had　incurred　a　debt　of　500；000　pounds；　would　it　not　have　been
natural　for　Parliament　first　to　have　asked；　how；　and　by　what　means；
their　appropriated　allowance　came　to　be　insufficient？　　Would　it　not
have　savoured　of　some　attention　to　justice；　to　have　seen　in　what
periods　of　Administration　this　debt　had　been　originally　incurred；
that　they　might　discover；　and　if　need　were；　animadvert　on　the
persons　who　were　found　the　most　culpable？　　To　put　their　hands　upon
such　articles　of　expenditure　as　they　thought　improper　or　excessive；
and　to　secure；　in　future；　against　such　misapplication　or　exceeding？
Accounts　for　any　other　purposes　are　but　a　matter　of　curiosity；　and
no　genuine　Parliamentary　object。　　All　the　accounts　which　could
answer　any　Parliamentary　end　were　refused；　or　postponed　by　previous
questions。　　Every　idea　of　prevention　was　rejected；　as　conveying　an
improper　suspicion　of　the　Ministers　of　the　Crown。

When　every　leading　account　had　been　refused；　many　others　were
granted　with　sufficient　facility。

But　with　great　candour　also；　the　House　was　informed；　that　hardly　any
of　them　could　be　ready　until　the　next　session；　some　of　them　perhaps
not　so　soon。　　But；　in　order　firmly　to　establish　the　precedent　of
PAYMENT　PREVIOUS　TO　ACCOUNT；　and　to　form　it　into　a　settled　rule　of
the　House；　the　god　in　the　machine　was　brought　down；　nothing　less
than　the　wonder…working　LAW　OF　PARLIAMENT。　　It　was　alleged；　that　it
is　the　law　of　Parliament；　when　any　demand　comes　from　the　Crown；　that
the　House　must　go　immediately　into　the　Committee　of　Supply；　in　which
Committee　it　was　allowed；　that　the　production　and　examination　of
accounts　would　be　quite　proper　and　regular。　　It　was　therefore
carried　that　they　should　go　into　the　Committee　without　delay；　and
without　accounts；　in　order　to　examine　with　great　order　and
regularity　things　that　could　not　possibly　come　before　them。　　After
this　stroke　of　orderly　and　Parliamentary　wit　and　humour；　they　went
into　the　Committee；　and　very　generously　voted　the　payment。

There　was　a　circumstance　in　that　debate　too　remarkable　to　be
overlooked。　　This　debt　of　the　Civil　List　was　all　along　argued　upon
the　same　footing　as　a　debt　of　the　State；　contracted　upon　national
authority。　　Its　payment　was　urged　as　equally　pressing　upon　the
public　faith　and　honour；　and　when　the　whole　year's　account　was
stated；　in　what　is　called　THE　BUDGET；　the　Ministry　valued　themselves
on　the　payment　of　so　much　public　debt；　just　as　if　they　had
discharged　500；000　pounds　of　navy　or　exchequer　bills。　　Though；　in
truth；　their　payment；　from　the　Sinking　Fund；　of　debt　which　was　never
contracted　by　Parliamentary　authority；　was；　to　all　intents　and
purposes；　so　much　debt　incurred。　　But　such　is　the　present　notion　of
public　credit　and　payment　of　debt。　　No　wonder　that　it　produces　such
effects。

Nor　was　the　House　at　all　more　attentive　to　a　provident　security
against　future；　than　it　had　been　to　a　vindictive　retrospect　to　past；
mismanagements。　　I　should　have　thought　indeed　that　a　Ministerial
promise；　during　their　own　continuance　in　office；　might　have　been
given；　though　this　would　have　been　but　a　poor　security　for　the
public。　　Mr。　Pelham　gave　such　an　assurance；　and　he　kept　his　word。
But　nothing　was　capable　of　extorting　from　our　Ministers　anything
which　had　the　least　resemblance　to　a　promise　of　confining　the
expenses　of　the　Civil　List　within　the　limits　which　had　been　settled
by　Parliament。　　This　reserve　of　theirs　I　look　upon　to　be　equivalent
to　the　clearest　declaration　that　they　were　resolved　upon　a　contrary
course。

However；　to　put　the　matter　beyond　all　doubt；　in　the　Speech　from　the
Throne；　after　thanking　Parliament　for　the　relief　so　liberally
granted；　the　Ministers　inform　the　two　Houses　that　they　will
ENDEAVOUR　to　confine　the　expenses　of　the　Civil　Governmentwithin
what　limits；　think　you？　those　which　the　law　had　prescribed？　　Not　in
the　least〃such　limits　as　the　HONOUR　OF　THE　CROWN　can　possibly
admit。〃

Thus　they　established　an　arbitrary　standard　for　that　dignity　which
Parliament　had　defined　and　limited　to　a　legal　standard。　　They　gave
themselves；　under　the　lax　and　indeterminate　idea　of　the　HONOUR　OF
THE　CROWN；　a　full　loose　for　all　manner　of　dissipation；　and　all
manner　of　corruption。　　This　arbitrary　standard　they　were　not　afraid
to　hold　out　to　both　Houses；　while　an　idle　and　inoperative　Act　of
Parliament；　estimating　the　dignity　of　the　Crown　at　800；000　pounds；
and　confining　it　to　that　sum；　adds　to　the　number　of　obsolete
statutes　which　load　the　shelves　of　libraries　without　any　sort　of
advantage　to　the　people。

After　this　proceeding；　I　suppose　that　no　man　can　be　so　weak　as　to
think　that　the　Crown　is　limited　to　any　settled　allowance　whatsoever。
For　if　the　Ministry　has　800；000　pounds　a　year　by　the　law　of　the
land；　and　if　by　the　law　of　Parliament　all　the　debts　which　exceed　it
are　to　be　paid　previous　to　the　production　of　any　account；　I　presume
that　this　is　equivalent　to　an　income　with　no　other　limits　than　the
abilities　of　the　subject　and　the　moderation　of　the　Courtthat　is　to
say；　it　is　such　in　income　as　is　possessed　by　every　absolute　Monarch
in　Europe。　　It　amounts；　as　a　person　of　great　ability　said　in　the
debate；　to　an　unlimited　power　of　drawing　upon　the　Sinking　Fund。　　Its
effect　on　the　public　credit　of　this　kingdom　must　be　obvious；　for　in
vain　is　the　Sinking　Fund　the　great　buttress　of　all　the　rest；　if　it
be　in　the　power　of　the　Ministry　to　resort　to　it　for　the　payment　of
any　debts　which　they　may　choose　to　incur；　under　the　name　of　the
Civil　List；　and　through　the　medium　of　a　committee；　which　thinks
itself　obliged　by　law　to　vote　supplies　without　any　other　account
than　that　of　the　more　existence　of　the　debt。

Five　hundred　thousand　pounds　is　a　serious　sum。　　But　it　is　nothing　to
the　prolific　principle　upon　which　the　sum　was　voteda　principle
that　may　be　well　called；　THE　FRUITFUL　MOTHER　OF　A　HUNDRED　MORE。
Neither　is　the　damage　to　public　credit　of　very　great　consequence
when　compared　with　that　which　results　to　public　morals　and　to　the
safety　of　the　Constitution；　from　the　exhaustless　mine　of　corruption
opened　by　the　precedent；　and　to　be　wrought　by　the　principle　of　the
late　paymen