thoughts on the present discontents-第14节

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truth　a　monster　in　Jurisprudence。　　It　signifies　nothing　whether　a
court　for　this　purpose　be　a　Committee　of　Council；　or　a　House　of
Commons；　or　a　House　of　Lords；　the　liberty　of　the　subject　will　be
equally　subverted　by　it。　　The　true　end　and　purpose　of　that　House　of
Parliament　which　entertains　such　a　jurisdiction　will　be　destroyed　by
it。

I　will　not　believe；　what　no　other　man　living　believes；　that　Mr。
Wilkes　was　punished　for　the　indecency　of　his　publications；　or　the
impiety　of　his　ransacked　closet。　　If　he　had　fallen　in　a　common
slaughter　of　libellers　and　blasphemers；　I　could　well　believe　that
nothing　more　was　meant　than　was　pretended。　　But　when　I　see；　that；
for　years　together；　full　as　impious；　and　perhaps　more　dangerous
writings　to　religion；　and　virtue；　and　order；　have　not　been　punished；
nor　their　authors　discountenanced；　that　the　most　audacious　libels　on
Royal　Majesty　have　passed　without　notice；　that　the　most　treasonable
invectives　against　the　laws；　liberties；　and　constitution　of　the
country；　have　not　met　with　the　slightest　animadversion；　I　must
consider　this　as　a　shocking　and　shameless　pretence。　　Never　did　an
envenomed　scurrility　against　everything　sacred　and　civil；　public　and
private；　rage　through　the　kingdom　with　such　a　furious　and　unbridled
licence。　　All　this　while　the　peace　of　the　nation　must　be　shaken；　to
ruin　one　libeller；　and　to　tear　from　the　populace　a　single　favourite。

Nor　is　it　that　vice　merely　skulks　in　an　obscure　and　contemptible
impunity。　　Does　not　the　public　behold　with　indignation；　persons　not
only　generally　scandalous　in　their　lives；　but　the　identical　persons
who；　by　their　society；　their　instruction；　their　example；　their
encouragement；　have　drawn　this　man　into　the　very　faults　which　have
furnished　the　Cabal　with　a　pretence　for　his　persecution；　loaded　with
every　kind　of　favour；　honour；　and　distinction；　which　a　Court　can
bestow？　　Add　but　the　crime　of　servility　（the　foedum　crimem
servitutis）　to　every　other　crime；　and　the　whole　mass　is　immediately
transmuted　into　virtue；　and　becomes　the　just　subject　of　reward　and
honour。　　When　therefore　I　reflect　upon　this　method　pursued　by　the
Cabal　in　distributing　rewards　and　punishments；　I　must　conclude　that
Mr。　Wilkes　is　the　object　of　persecution；　not　on　account　of　what　he
has　done　in　common　with　others　who　are　the　objects　of　reward；　but
for　that　in　which　he　differs　from　many　of　them：　　that　he　is　pursued
for　the　spirited　dispositions　which　are　blended　with　his　vices；　for
his　unconquerable　firmness；　for　his　resolute；　indefatigable；
strenuous　resistance　against　oppression。

In　this　case；　therefore；　it　was　not　the　man　that　was　to　be　punished；
nor　his　faults　that　were　to　be　discountenanced。　　Opposition　to　acts
of　power　was　to　be　marked　by　a　kind　of　civil　proscription。　　The
popularity　which　should　arise　from　such　an　opposition　was　to　be
shown　unable　to　protect　it。　　The　qualities　by　which　court　is　made　to
the　people；　were　to　render　every　fault　inexpiable；　and　every　error
irretrievable。　　The　qualities　by　which　court　is　made　to　power；　were
to　cover　and　to　sanctify　everything。　　He　that　will　have　a　sure　and
honourable　seat；　in　the　House　of　Commons；　must　take　care　how　he
adventures　to　cultivate　popular　qualities；　otherwise　he　may；
remember　the　old　maxim；　Breves　et　infaustos　populi　Romani　amores。
If；　therefore；　a　pursuit　of　popularity　expose　a　man　to　greater
dangers　than　a　disposition　to　servility；　the　principle　which　is　the
life　and　soul　of　popular　elections　will　perish　out　of　the
Constitution。

It　behoves　the　people　of　England　to　consider　how　the　House　of
Commons　under　the　operation　of　these　examples　must　of　necessity　be
constituted。　　On　the　side　of　the　Court　will　be；　all　honours；
offices；　emoluments；　every　sort　of　personal　gratification　to　avarice
or　vanity；　and；　what　is　of　more　moment　to　most　gentlemen；　the　means
of　growing；　by　innumerable　petty　services　to　individuals；　into　a
spreading　interest　in　their　country。　　On　the　other　hand；　let　us
suppose　a　person　unconnected　with　the　Court；　and　in　opposition　to
its　system。　　For　his　own　person；　no　office；　or　emolument；　or　title；
no　promotion　ecclesiastical；　or　civil；　or　military；　or　naval；　for
children；　or　brothers；　or　kindred。　　In　vain　an　expiring　interest　in
a　borough　calls　for　offices；　or　small　livings；　for　the　children　of
mayors；　and　aldermen；　and　capital　burgesses。　　His　court　rival　has
them　all。　　He　can　do　an　infinite　number　of　acts　of　generosity　and
kindness；　and　even　of　public　spirit。　　He　can　procure　indemnity　from
quarters。　　He　can　procure　advantages　in　trade。　　He　can　get　pardons
for　offences。　　He　can　obtain　a　thousand　favours；　and　avert　a
thousand　evils。　　He　may；　while　he　betrays　every　valuable　interest　of
the　kingdom；　be　a　benefactor；　a　patron；　a　father；　a　guardian　angel；
to　his　borough。　　The　unfortunate　independent　member　has　nothing　to
offer；　but　harsh　refusal；　or　pitiful　excuse；　or　despondent
representation　of　a　hopeless　interest。　　Except　from　his　private
fortune；　in　which　he　may　be　equalled；　perhaps　exceeded；　by　his　Court
competitor；　he　has　no　way　of　showing　any　one　good　quality；　or　of
making　a　single　friend。　　In　the　House；　he　votes　for　ever　in　a
dispirited　minority。　　If　he　speaks；　the　doors　are　locked。　　A　body　of
loquacious　placemen　go　out　to　tell　the　world；　that　all　he　aims　at；
is　to　get　into　office。　　If　he　has　not　the　talent　of　elocution；　which
is　the　case　of　many　as　wise　and　knowing　men　as　any　in　the　House；　he
is　liable　to　all　these　inconveniences；　without　the　eclat　which
attends　upon　any　tolerably　successful　exertion　of　eloquence。　　Can　we
conceive　a　more　discouraging　post　of　duty　than　this？　　Strip　it　of
the　poor　reward　of　popularity；　suffer　even　the　excesses　committed　in
defence　of　the　popular　interest　to　become　a　ground　for　the　majority
of　that　House　to　form　a　disqualification　out　of　the　line　of　the　law；
and　at　their　pleasure；　attended　not　only　with　the　loss　of　the
franchise；　but　with　every　kind　of　personal　disgrace；　if　this　shall
happen；　the　people　of　this　kingdom　may　be　assured　that　they　cannot
be　firmly　or　faithfully　served　by　any　man。　　It　is　out　of　the　nature
of　men　and　things　that　they　should；　and　their　presumption　will　be
equal　to　their　folly；　if　they　expect　it。　　The　power　of　the　people；
within　the　laws；　must　show　itself　sufficient　to　protect　every
representative　in　the　animated　performance　of　his　duty；　or　that　duty
cannot　be　performed。　　The　House　of　Commons　can　never　be　a　control　on
other　parts　of　Government；　unless　they　are　controlled　themselves　by
their　constituents；　and　unless　these　constituents　possess　some　right
in　the　choice　of　that　House；　which　it　is　not　in　the　power　of　that
House　to　take　away。　　If　they　suffer　this　power　of　arbitrary
incapacitation　to　stand；　they　have　utterly　perverted　every　other
power　of　the　House　of　Commons。　　The　late　proceeding；　I　will　not　say；
IS　contrary　to　law；　it　MUST　be　so；　for　the　power　which　is　claimed
cannot；　by　any　possibility；　be　a　legal　power　in　any　limited　member
of　Government。

The　power　which　they　claim；　of　declaring　incapacities；　would　not　be
above　the　just　claims　of　a　final　judicature；　if　they　had　not　laid　it
down　as　a　leading　principle；　that　they　had　no　rule　in　the　exercise
of　this　claim　but　their　own　DISCRETION。　　Not　one　of　their　abettors
has　ever　undertaken　to　assign　the　principle　of　unfitness；　the
species　or　degree　of　delinquency；　on　which　the　House　of　Commons　will
expel；　nor　the　mode　of　proceeding　upon　it；　nor　the　evidence　upon
which　it　is　established。　　The　direct　consequence　of　which　is；　that
the　first　franchise　of　an　Englishman；　and　that　on　which　all　the　rest
vitally　depend；　is　to　be　forfeited　for　some　offence　which　no　man
knows；　and　which　is　to　be　proved　by　no　known　rule　whatsoever　of
legal　evidence。　　This　is　so　anomalous　to　our　whole　constitution；
that　I　will　venture　to　say；　the　most　trivial　right；　which　the
subject　claims；　never　was；　nor　can　be；　forfeited　in　such　a　manner。

The　whole　of　their　usurpation　is　established　upon　this　method　of
arguing。　　We　do　not　make　laws。　　No；　we　do　not　contend　for　this
power。　　We　only　declare　law；　and；　as　we　are　a　tribunal　both
competent　and　supreme；　what　we　declare　to　be　law　becomes　law；
although　it　should　not　have　been　so　before。　　Thus　the　circumstance
of　having　no　appeal　from　their　jurisdiction　is　made　to　imply　that
they　have　no　rule　in　the　exercise　of　it：　　the　judgment　does　not
derive　its　validity　from　its　conformity　to　the　law；　but
preposterously　the　law　is　made　to　attend　on　the　judgment；　and　the
rule　of　the　judgment　is　no　other　than　the　OCCASIONAL　WILL　OF　THE
HOUSE。　　An　arbitrary　discretion　leads；　legality　follows；　which　is
just　the　very　nature　and　description　of　a　legislative　act。

This　claim　in　their　hands　was　no　barren　theory。　　It　was　pursued　into
its　utmost　consequences；　and　a　dangerous　principle　has　begot　a
correspondent　practice。　　A　systematic　spirit　has　been　shown　upon
both　sides。　　The　electors　of　Middlesex　chose　a　person　whom　the　House
of　Commons　had　voted　incapable；　and　the　House　of　Commons　has　taken
in　a　member　whom　the　electors　of　Middlesex　had　not　chosen。　　By　a
construction　on　that　legislative　power　which　had　been　assumed；　they
declared　that　the　true　legal　sense　of　the　country　was　con