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in　some　sections　he　is　discouraged　from　leaving　his　old　master。　I　have　known　of　planters　who　considered　it　an　offence　against　neighborhood　courtesy　for　another　to　hire　their　old　hands；　and　in　two　instances　that　were　reported　the　disputants　came　to　blows　over　the　breach　of　etiquette。〃　The　new　Freedmen's　Bureau　insisted　upon　written　contracts；　except　for　day　laborers；　and　this　undoubtedly　kept　many　Negroes　from　working　regularly；　for　they　were　suspicious　of　contracts。　Besides；　the　agitators　and　the　Negro　troops　led　them　to　hope　for　an　eventual　distribution　of　property。　An　Alabama　planter　thus　described　the　situation　in　December　1865：

〃They　will　not　work　for　anything　but　wages；　and　few　are　able　to　pay　wages。　They　are　penniless　but　resolute　in　their　demands。　They　expect　to　see　all　the　land　divided　out　equally　between　them　and　their　old　masters　in　time　to　make　the　next　crop。　One　of　the　most　intelligent　black　men　I　know　told　me　that　in　a　neighboring　village；　where　several　hundred　blacks　were　congregated；　he　does　not　think　that　as　many　as　three　made　contracts；　although　planters　are　urgent　in　their　solicitations　and　offering　highest　prices　for　labor　they　can　possibly　afford　to　pay。　The　same　man　informed　me　that　the　impression　widely　prevails　that　Congress　is　about　to　divide　out　the　lands；　and　that　this　impression　is　given　out　by　Federal　soldiers　at　the　nearest　military　station。　It　cannot　be　disguised　that　in　spite　of　the　most　earnest　efforts　of　their　old　master　to　conciliate　and　satisfy　them；　the　estrangement　between　races　increases　in　its　extent　and　bitterness。　Nearly　all　the　Negro　men　are　armed　with　repeaters；　and　many　of　them　carry　them　openly；　day　and　night。〃

The　relations　between　the　races　were　better；　however；　than　conditions　seemed　to　indicate。　The　whites　of　the　Black　Belt　were　better　disposed　toward　the　Negroes　than　were　those　of　the　white　districts。　It　was　in　the　towns　and　villages　that　most　of　the　race　conflicts　occurred。　All　whites　agreed　that　the　Negro　was　inferior；　but　there　were　many　who　were　grateful　for　his　conduct　during　the　war　and　who　wished　him　well。　But　others；　the　policemen　of　the　towns；　the　〃loyalists；〃　those　who　had　little　but　pride　of　race　and　the　vote　to　distinguish　them　from　the　blacks；　felt　no　good　will　toward　the　ex…slaves。　It　was　Truman's　opinion　〃not　only　that　the　planters　are　far　better　friends　to　the　Negroes　than　the　poor　whites；　but　also　better　than　a　majority　of　the　Northern　men　who　go　South　to　rent　plantations。〃　John　T。　Trowbridge；　the　novelist；　who　recorded　his　impressions　of　the　South　after　a　visit　in　1865；　was　of　the　opinion　that　the　Unionists　〃do　not　like　niggers。〃　〃For　there　is；〃　he　said；　〃more　prejudice　against　color　among　the　middle　and　poorer　classesthe　Union　men　of　the　South　who　owned　few　or　no　slavesthan　among　the　planters　who　owned　them　by　scores　and　hundreds。〃　The　reports　of　the　Freedmen's　Bureau　are　to　the　same　effect。　A　Bureau　agent　in　Tennessee　testified：　〃An　old　citizen；　a　Union　man；　said　to　me；　said　he；　'I　tell　you　what；　if　you　take　away　the　military　from　Tennessee；　the　buzzards　can't　eat　up　the　niggers　as　fast　as　we'll　kill　them。'〃

The　lawlessness　of　the　Negroes　in　parts　of　the　Black　Belt　and　the　disturbing　influences　of　the　black　troops；　of　some　officials　of　the　Bureau；　and　of　some　of　the　missionary　teachers　and　preachers；　caused　the　whites　to　fear　insurrections　and　to　take　measures　for　protection。　Secret　semi…military　organizations　were　formed　which　later　developed　into　the　Ku　Klux　orders。　When；　however；　New　Year's　Day　1866　passed　without　the　hoped…for　distribution　of　Property；　the　Negroes　began　to　settle　down。

At　the　beginning　of　the　period　of　reconstruction；　it　seemed　possible　that　the　Negro　race　might　speedily　fall　into　distinct　economic　groups；　for　there　were　some　who　had　property　and　many　others　who　had　the　ability　and　the　opportunity　to　acquire　it；　but　the　later　drawing　of　race　lines　and　the　political　disturbances　of　reconstruction　checked　this　tendency。　It　was　expected　also　that　the　Northern　planters　who　came　South　in　large　numbers　in　1865…66　might；　by　controlling　the　Negro　labor　and　by　the　use　of　more　efficient　methods；　aid　in　the　economic　upbuilding　of　the　country。　But　they　were　ignorant　of　agricultural　matters　and　incapable　of　wisely　controlling　the　blacks；　and　they　failed　because　at　one　time　they　placed　too　much　trust　in　the　Negroes　and　at　another　treated　them　too　harshly　and　expected　too　much　of　them。

The　question　of　Negro　suffrage　was　not　a　live　issue　in　the　South　until　the　middle　of　1866。　There　was　almost　no　talk　about　it　among　the　Negroes；　they　did　not　know　what　it　was。　President　Lincoln　in　1864　and　President　Johnson　in　1865　had　merely　mentioned　the　subject；　though　Chief　Justice　Chase　and　prominent　radical　members　of　Congress；　as　well　as　numerous　abolitionists；　had　framed　a　Negro　suffrage　platform。　But　the　Southern　whites；　considering　the　matter　an　impossibility；　gave　it　little　consideration。　There　was；　however；　both　North　and　South；　a　tendency　to　see　a　connection　between　the　freedom　of　the　Negroes　and　their　political　rights　and　thus　to　confuse　civil　equality　with　political　and　social　privileges。　But　the　great　masses　of　the　whites　were　solidly　opposed　to　the　recognition　of　Negro　equality　in　any　form。　The　poorer　whites；　especially　the　〃Unionists〃　who　hoped　to　develop　an　opposition　party；　were　angered　by　any　discussion　of　the　subject。　An　Alabama　〃Unionist；〃　M。　J。　Saffold；　later　prominent　as　a　radical　politician；　declared　to　the　Joint　Committee　on　Reconstruction：　〃If　you　compel　us　to　carry　through　universal　suffrage　of　colored；　men　。　。　。　it　will　prove　quite　an　*incubus　upon　us　in　the　organization　of　a　national　union　party　of　white　men；　it　will　furnish　our　opponents　with　a　very　effective　weapon　of　offense　against　us。〃

There　were；　however；　some　Southern　leaders　of　ability　and　standing　who；　by　1866；　were　willing　to　consider　Negro　suffrage。　These　men；　among　them　General　Wade　Hampton　of　South　Carolina　and　Governor　Robert　Patton　of　Alabama；　were　of　the　slaveholding　class；　and　they　fully　counted　on　being　able　to　control　the　Negro's　vote　by　methods　similar　to　those　actually　put　in　force　a　quarter　of　a　century　later。　The　Negroes　were　not　as　yet　politically　organized　were　not　even　interested　in　politics；　and　the　master　class　might　reasonably　hope　to　regain　control　of　them。　Whitelaw　Reid　published　an　interview　with　one　of　the　Hamptons　which　describes　the　situation　exactly：

〃A　brother　of　General　Wade　Hampton；　the　South　Carolina　Hotspur；　was　on　board。　He　saw　no　great　objection　to　Negro　suffrage；　so　far　as　the　whites　were　concerned；　and　for　himself；　South　Carolinian　and　secessionist　though　he　was；　he　was　quite　willing　to　accept　it。　He　only　dreaded　its　effect　on　the　blacks　themselves。　Hitherto　they　had　in　the　main；　been　modest　and　respectful；　and　mere　freedom　was　not　likely　to　spoil　them。　But　the　deference　to　them　likely　to　be　shown　by　partisans　eager　for　their　votes　would　have　a　tendency　to　uplift　them　and　unbalance　them。　Beyond　this；　no　harm　would　be　done　the　South　by　Negro　suffrage。　The　old　owners　would　cast　the　votes　of　their　people　almost　as　absolutely　and　securely　as　they　cast　their　own。　If　Northern　men　expected　in　this　way　to　build　up　a　northern　party　in　the　South；　they　were　gravely　mistaken。　They　would　only　be　multiplying　the　power　of　the　old　and　natural　leaders　of　Southern　politics　by　giving　every　vote　to　a　former　slave。　Heretofore　such　men　had　served　their　masters　only　in　the　fields；　now　they　would　do　no　less　faithful　service　at　the　polls。　If　the　North　could　stand　it；　the　South　could。　For　himself；　he　should　make　no　special　objection　to　Negro　suffrage　as　one　of　the　terms　of　reorganization；　and　if　it　came；　he　did　not　think　the　South　would　have　much　cause　to　regret　it。〃

To　sum　up　the　situation　at　this　time：　the　Negro　population　at　the　close　of　the　war　constituted　a　tremendous　problem　for　those　in　authority。　The　race　was　free；　but　without　status；　without　leaders；　without　property；　and　without　education。　Probably　a　fourth　of　them　had　some　experience　in　freedom　before　the　Confederate　armies　surrendered；　and　the　servitude　of　the　other　three　millions　ended　very　quickly　and　without　violence。　But　in　the　Black　Belt；　where　the　bulk　of　the　black　population　was　to　be　found；　the　labor　system　was　broken　up；　and　for　several　months　the　bewildered　freedmen　wandered　about　or　remained　at　home　under　conditions　which　were　bad　for　health；　morals；　and　thrift。　The　Northern　Negroes　did　not　furnish　the　expected　leadership　for　the　race；　and　the　more　capable　men　in　the　South　showed　a　tendency　to　go　North。　The　unsettled　state　of　the　Negroes　and　their　expectation　of　receiving　a　part　of　the　property　of　the　whites　kept　the　latter　uneasy　and　furnished　the　occasion　of　frequent　conflicts。　Not　the　least　of　the　unsettling　influences　at　work　upon　the　Negro　population　were　the　colored　troops　and　the　agitators　furnished　by　the　Freedmen's　Bureau；　the　missions；　and　the　Bureau　schools。　But　at　the　beginning　of　the　year　1866；　the　situation　appeared　to　be　clearing；　and　the　social　and　economic　revolution　seemed　on　the　way　to　a　quieter　ending　than　might　have　been　expected。



CHAPTER　III。　THE　WORK　OF　THE　PRESIDENTS

The　war　ended　slavery；　but　it　left　the　problem　of　the　freed　slave；　it　preserved　the　Union