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ge　and　the　whites　who　were　not　disfranchised；　to　hold　elections　for　conventions；　to　call　the　conventions；　to　hold　elections　to　ratify　or　reject　the　constitutions；　and　to　forward　the　constitutions；　if　ratified；　to　the　President　for　transmission　to　Congress。

In　these　reconstruction　acts　the　whole　doctrine　of　radicalism　was　put　on　the　way　to　accomplishment。　Its　spread　had　been　rapid。　In　December　1865；　the　majority　of　Congress　would　have　accepted　with　little　modification　the　work　of　Lincoln　and　Johnson。　Three　months　later　the　Civil　Rights　Act　measured　the　advance。　Very　soon　the　new　Freedmen's　Bureau　Act　and　the　Fourteenth　Amendment　indicated　the　rising　tide　of　radicalism。　The　campaign　of　1866　and　the　attitude　of　the　Southern　states　swept　all　radicals　and　most　moderate　Republicans　swiftly　into　a　merciless　course　of　reconstruction。　Moderate　reconstruction　had　nowhere　strong　support。　Congress；　touched　in　its　amour　propre　by　presidential　disregard；　was　eager　for　extremes。　Johnson；　who　regarded　himself　as　defending　the　Constitution　against　radical　assaults；　was　stubborn；　irascible；　and　undignified；　and　with　his　associates　was　no　match　in　political　strategy　for　his　radical　opponents。

The　average　Republican　or　Unionist　in　the　North；　if　he　had　not　been　brought　by　skillful　misrepresentation　to　believe　a　new　rebellion　impending　in　the　South；　was　at　any　rate　painfully　alive　to　the　fear　that　the　Democratic　party　might　regain　power。　With　the　freeing　of　the　slaves；　the　representation　of　the　South　in　Congress　would　be　increased。　At　first　it　seemed　that　the　South　might　divide　in　politics　as　before　the　war；　but　the　longer　the　delay　the　more　the　Southern　whites　tended　to　unite　into　one　party　acting　with　the　Democrats。　With　their　eighty…five　representatives　and　a　slight　reaction　in　the　North；　they　might　gain　control　of　the　lower　House　of　Congress。　The　Union…Republican　party　had　a　majority　of　less　than　one　hundred　in　1866；　and　this　was　lessened　slightly　in　the　Fortieth　Congress。　The　President　was　for　all　practical　purposes　a　Democrat　again。　The　prospect　was　too　much　for　the　very　human　politicians　to　view　without　distress。　Stevens；　speaking　in　support　of　the　Military　Reconstruction　Bill；　said：

〃There　are　several　good　reasons　for　the　passage　of　this　bill。　In　the　first　place；　it　is　just。　I　am　now　confining　my　argument　to　Negro　suffrage　in　the　rebel　states。　Have　not　loyal　blacks　quite　as　good　a　right　to　choose　rulers　and　make　laws　as　rebel　whites？　In　the　second　place；　it　is　necessary　in　order　to　protect　the　loyal　white　men　in　the　seceded　states。　With　them　the　blacks　would　act　in　a　body；　and　it　is　believed　that　in　each　of　these　states；　except　one；　the　two　united　would　form　a　majority；　control　the　states；　and　protect　themselves。　Now　they　are　the　victims　of　daily　murder。　They　must　suffer　constant　persecution　or　be　exiled。　Another　good　reason　is　that　it　would　insure　the　ascendancy　of　the　union　party　。。。。　I　believe　。　。　。　that　on　the　continued　ascendancy　of　that　party　depends　the　safety　of　this　great　nation。　If　impartial　suffrage　is　excluded　in　the　rebel　states；　then　every　one　of　them　is　sure　to　send　a　solid　rebel　electoral　vote。　They；　with　their　kindred　Copperheads　of　the　North；　would　always　elect　the　President　and　control　Congress。〃

The　laws　passed　on　the　2d　and　the　23d　of　March　were　war　measures　and　presupposed　a　continuance　of　war　conditions。　The　Lincoln…Johnson　state　governments　were　overturned；　Congress　fixed　the　qualifications　of　voters　for　that　time　and　for　the　future；　and　the　President；　shorn　of　much　of　his　constitutional　power；　could　exercise　but　little　control　over　the　military　government。　Nothing　that　a　state　might　do　would　secure　restoration　until　it　should　ratify　the　Fourteenth　Amendment　to　the　Federal　Constitution。　The　war　had　been　fought　upon　the　theory　that　the　old　Union　must　be　preserved；　but　the　basic　theory　of　the　reconstruction　was　that　a　new　Union　was　to　be　created。



CHAPTER　VI。　THE　RULE　OF　THE　MAJOR　GENERALS

From　the　passage　of　the　reconstruction　acts　to　the　close　of　Johnson's　Administration；　Congress；　working　the　will　of　the　radical　majority；　was　in　supreme　control。　The　army　carried　out　the　will　of　Congress　and　to　that　body；　not　to　the　President；　the　commanding　general　and　his　subordinates　looked　for　direction。

The　official　opposition　of　the　President　to　the　policy　of　Congress　ceased　when　that　policy　was　enacted　into　law。　He　believed　this　legislation　to　be　unconstitutional；　but　he　considered　it　his　duty　to　execute　the　laws。　He　at　once　set　about　the　appointment　of　generals　to　command　the　military　districts　created　in　the　South；*　a　task　calling　for　no　little　discretion；　since　much　depended　upon　the　character　of　these　military　governors；　or　〃satraps；〃　as　they　were　frequently　called　by　the　opposition。　The　commanding　general　in　a　district　was　charged　with　many　duties；　military；　political；　and　administrative。　It　was　his　duty　to　carry　on　a　government　satisfactory　to　the　radicals　and　not　too　irritating　to　the　Southern　whites；　at　the　same　time　he　must　execute　the　reconstruction　acts　by　putting　old　leaders　out　of　power　and　Negroes　in。　Violent　opposition　to　this　policy　on　the　part　of　the　South　was　not　looked　for。　Notwithstanding　the　〃Southern　outrage〃　campaign；　it　was　generally　recognized　in　government　circles　that　conditions　in　the　seceded　states　had　gradually　been　growing　better　since　the　close　of　the　war。　There　was　in　many　regions；　to　be　sure；　a　general　laxity　in　enforcing　laws；　but　that　had　always　been　characteristic　of　the　newer　parts　of　the　South。　The　Civil　Rights　Act　was　generally　in　force；　the　〃Black　Laws〃　had　been　suspended；　and　the　Freedmen's　Bureau　was　everywhere　caring　for　the　Negroes。　What　disorder　existed　was　of　recent　origin　and　in　the　main　was　due　to　the　unsettling　effects　of　the　debates　in　Congress　and　to　the　organization　of　the　Negroes　for　political　purposes。

*　The　first　five　generals　appointed　were　Schofield；　Sickles。　Pope；　Ord；　and　Sheridan。　None　of　these　remained　in　his　district　until　reconstruction　was　completed。　To　Schofield's　command　in　the　first　district　succeeded　in　turn　Stoneman；　Webb；　and　Canby；　Sickles　gave　way　to　Canby；　and　Pope　to　Meade；　Ord　in　the　fourth　district　was　followed　by　Gillem；　McDowell；　and　Ames；　Sheridan；　in　the　fifth；　was　succeeded　by　Griffen；　Mower；　Hancock；　Buchanan；　Reynolds；　and　Canby。　Some　of　the　generals　were　radical；　others；　moderate　and　tactful。　The　most　extreme　were　Sheridan；　Pope；　and　Sickles。　Those　most　acceptable　to　the　whites　were　Hancock；　Schofield；　and　Meade。　General　Grant　himself　became　more　radical　in　his　actions　as　he　became　involved　in　the　fight　between　Congress　and　the　President。


Military　rule　was　established　in　the　South　with　slight　friction；　but　it　was　soon　found　that　the　reconstruction　laws　were　not　sufficiently　clear　on　two　points：　first；　whether　there　was　any　limit　to　the　authority　of　the　five　generals　over　the　local　and　state　governments　and；　if　so；　whether　the　limiting　authority　was　in　the　President；　and　second；　whether　the　disfranchising　provisions　in　the　laws　were　punitive　and　hence　to　be　construed　strictly。　Attorney…General　Stanbery；　in　May　and　June　1867；　drew　up　opinions　in　which　he　maintained　that　the　laws　were　to　be　considered　punitive　and　therefore　to　be　construed　strictly。　After　discussions　in　cabinet　meetings；　these　opinions　received　the　approval　of　all　except　Stanton；　Secretary　of　War；　who　had　already　joined　the　radical　camp。　The　Attorney…General's　opinion　was　sent　out　to　the　district　commanders　for　their　information　and　guidance。　But　Congress　did　not　intend　to　permit　the　President　or　his　Cabinet　to　direct　the　process　of　reconstruction；　and　in　the　Act　of　July　19；　1867；　it　gave　a　radical　interpretation　to　the　reconstruction　legislation；　declared　itself　in　control；　gave　full　power　to　General　Grant　and　to　the　district　commanders　subject　only　to　Grant；　directed　the　removal　of　all　local　officials　who　opposed　the　reconstruction　policies；　and　warned　the　civil　and　military　officers　of　the　United　States　that　none　of　them　should　〃be　bound　in　his　action　by　any　opinion　of　any　civil　officer　of　the　United　States。〃　This　interpretive　legislation　gave　a　broad　basis　for　the　military　government　and　resulted　in　a　severe　application　of　the　disfranchising　provisions　of　the　laws。

The　rule　of　the　five　generals　lasted　in　all　the　States　until　June　1868；　and　continued　in　Mississippi；　Texas；　Virginia；　and　Georgia　until　1870。　There　had　been；　to　be　sure；　some　military　government　in　1865；　subject；　however；　to　the　President；　and　from　1865　to　1867　the　army；　along　with　the　Freedmen's　Bureau；　had　exerted　a　strong　influence　in　the　government　of　the　South；　but　in　the　regime　now　inaugurated　the　military　was　supreme。　The　generals　had　a　superior　at　Washington；　but　whether　it　was　the　President；　General　Grant；　or　Congress　was　not　clear　until　the　Act　of　July　19；　1867　made　Congress　the　source　of　authority。

The　power　of　the　generals　most　strikingly　appeared　in　their　control　of　the　state　governments　which　were　continued　as　provisional　organizations。　Since　no　elections　were　permitted；　all　appointments　and　removals　were　made　from　military　headquarters；　which　soon　became　political　beehives；　centers　of　wirepulling　and　agencies　for　the　distribution　of　spoils。　At　the　outset　civil　officers　were