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s　regularly　ran　columns　headed　〃Southern　Outrages；〃　and　every　conceivable　mistreatment　of　blacks　by　whites　was　represented　as　taking　place　on　a　large　scale。　As　General　Richard　Taylor　said；　it　would　seem　that　about　1866　every　white　man；　woman；　and　child　in　the　South　began　killing　and　maltreating　Negroes。　In　truth；　there　was　less　and　less　ground　for　objection　to　the　treatment　of　the　blacks　as　time　went　on　and　as　the　several　agencies　of　government　secured　firmer　control　over　the　lawless　elements。　But　fortunately　for　the　radicals　their　contention　seemed　to　be　established　by　riots　on　a　large　scale　in　Memphis　and　New　Orleans　where　Negroes　were　killed　and　injured　in　much　greater　number　than　whites。

The　rapid　development　of　the　radical　plans　of　Congress　checked　the　tendency　toward　political　division　in　the　South。　Only　a　small　party　of　rabid　Unionists　would　now　affiliate　with　the　radicals；　while　all　the　others　reluctantly　held　together；　endorsed　Johnson's　policy；　and　attempted　to　affiliate　with　the　disintegrating　National　Union　party。　But　the　defeat　of　the　President's　policies　in　the　elections　of　1866；　the　increasing　radicalism　of　Congress　as　shown　by　the　Civil　Rights　Act；　the　expansion　of　the　Freedmen's　Bureau；　the　report　of　the　Joint　Committee　on　Reconstruction；　and　the　proposal　of　the　Fourteenth　Amendment　led　farsighted　Southerners　to　see　that　the　President　was　likely　to　lose　in　his　fight　with　Congress。

Now　began；　in　the　latter　half　of　1866；　with　some　cooperation　in　the　North　and　probably　with　the　approval　of　the　President；　a　movement　in　the　South　to　forestall　the　radicals　by　means　of　a　settlement　which；　although　less　severe　than　the　proposed　Fourteenth　Amendment；　might　yet　be　acceptable　to　Congress。　One　feature　of　the　settlement　was　to　be　some　form　of　Negro　suffrage；　either　by　local　action　or　by　constitutional　amendment。　Those　behind　this　scheme　were　mainly　of　the　former　governing　class。　Negro　suffrage；　they　thought；　would　take　the　wind　out　of　the　radical　sails；　the　Southern　whites　would　soon　be　able　to　control　the　blacks；　representation　in　Congress　would　be　increased；　and　the　Black　Belt　would　perhaps　regain　its　former　political　hegemony。　It　is　hardly　necessary　to　say　that　the　majority　of　the　whites　were　solidly　opposed　to　such　a　measure。　But　it　was　hoped　to　carry　it　under　pressure　through　the　legislature　or　to　bring　it　about　indirectly　through　rulings　of　the　Freedmen's　Bureau。

Coincident　with　this　scheme　of　partial　Negro　suffrage　an　attempt　was　made　by　the　conservative　leaders　in　Washington；　working　with　the　Southerners；　to　propose　a　revised　Fourteenth　Amendment　which　would　give　the　vote　to　competent　Negroes　and　not　disfranchise　the　whites。　A　conference　of　Southern　governors　met　in　Washington　early　in　1867　and　drafted　such　an　amendment。　But；　it　was　too　late。

Meanwhile　the　Fourteenth　Amendment　submitted　by　Congress　had　been　brought　before　the　Southern　legislatures；　and　during　the　winter　of　1866…67　it　was　rejected　by　all　of　them。　There　was　strong　opposition　to　it　because　it　disfranchised　the　leading　whites；　but　perhaps　the　principal　reason　for　its　rejection　was　that　the　Southern　people　were　not　sure　that　still　more　severe　conditions　might　not　be　imposed　later。

While　the　President　was　〃restoring〃　the　states　which　had　seceded　and　struggling　with　Congress；　the　Border　States　of　the　South；　including　Tennessee　（which　was　admitted　in　1866　by　reason　of　its　radical　state　government）；　were　also　in　the　throes　of　reconstruction。　Though　there　was　less　military　interference　in　these　than　in　the　other　states；　many　of　the　problems　were　similar。　All　had　the　Freedmen's　Bureau；　the　Negro　race；　the　Unionists；　and　the　Confederates；　in　every　state；　except　Kentucky；　Confederates　were　persecuted；　the　minority　was　in　control；　and　〃ring〃　rule　was　the　order　of　the　day；　but　in　each　state　there　were　signs　of　the　political　revolution　which　a　few　years　later　was　to　put　the　radicals　out　of　power。

The　executive　plan　for　the　restoration　of　the　Union；　begun　by　Lincoln　and　adopted　by　Johnson；　was；　as　we　have　seen；　at　first　applied　in　all　the　states　which　had　seceded。　A　military　governor　was　appointed　in　each　state　by　the　President　by　virtue　of　his　authority　as　commander　in　chief。　This　official；　aided　by　a　civilian　staff　of　his　own　choice　and　supported　by　the　United　States　army　and　other　Federal　agencies；　reorganized　the　state　administration　and　after　a　few　months　turned　the　state　and　local　governments　over　to　regularly　elected　officials。　Restoration　should　now　have　been　completed；　but　Congress　refused　to　admit　the　senators　and　representatives　of　these　states；　and　entered　upon　a　fifteen　months'　struggle　with　the　President　over　details　of　the　methods　of　the　reconstruction。　Meanwhile　the　Southern　States；　though　unrepresented　in　Congress；　continued　their　activities；　with　some　interference　from　Federal　authorities；　until　Congress　in　1867　declared　their　governments　nonexistent。

The　work　begun　by　Lincoln　and　Johnson　deserved　better　success。　The　original　plan　restored　to　political　rights　only　a　small　number　of　Unionists；　the　lukewarm　Confederates；　and　the　unimportant。　But　in　spite　of　the　threatening　speeches　of　Johnson；　he　used　his　power　of　pardon　until　none　except　the　most　prominent　leaders　were　excluded。　The　personnel　of　the　Johnson　governments　was　fair。　The　officials　were；　in　the　main；　former　Douglas　Democrats　and　Whigs；　respectable　and　conservative；　but　not　admired　or　loved　by　the　people。　The　conventions　and　the　legislatures　were　orderly　and　dignified　and　manifested　a　desire　to　accept　the　situation。

There　were　no　political　parties　at　first；　but　material　for　several　existed。　If　things　had　been　allowed　to　take　their　course；　there　would　have　arisen　a　normal　cleavage　between　former　Whigs　and　Democrats；　between　the　upcountry　and　the　low　country；　between　the　slaveholders　and　the　nonslaveholders。　The　average　white　man　in　these　governments　was　willing　to　be　fair　to　the　Negro　but　was　not　greatly　concerned　about　his　future。　In　the　view　of　most　white　people；　it　was　the　white　man　who　was　emancipated。　The　white　districts　had　no　desire　to　let　the　power　return　to　the　Black　Belt　by　giving　the　Negro　the　ballot；　for　the　vote　of　the　Negroes；　they　believed；　would　be　controlled　by　their　former　masters。

Johnson's　adoption　of　Lincoln's　plan　gave　notice　to　all　that　the　radicals　had　failed　to　control　him。　He　and　they　had　little　in　common；　they　wished　to　uproot　a　civilization；　while　he　wished　to　punish　individuals；　they　were　not　troubled　by　constitutional　scruples；　while　he　was　the　strictest　of　State　Rights　Democrats；　they　thought　principally　of　the　Negro　and　his　potentialities；　while　Johnson　was　thinking　of　the　emancipated　white　man。　It　is　possible　that　Lincoln　might　have　succeeded；　but　for　Johnson　the　task　proved　too　great。



CHAPTER　IV。　THE　WARDS　OF　THE　NATION

The　Negroes　at　the　close　of　the　war　were　not　slaves　or　serfs；　nor　were　they　citizens。　What　was　to　be　done　with　them　and　for　them？　The　Southern　answer　to　this　question　may　be　found　in　the　so…　called　〃Black　Laws；〃　which　were　enacted　by　the　state　governments　set　up　by　President　Johnson。　The　views　of　the　dominant　North　may　be　discerned　in　part　in　the　organization　and　administration　of　the　Freedmen's　Bureau。　The　two　sections　saw　the　same　problem　from　different　angles；　and　their　proposed　solutions　were　of　necessity　opposed　in　principle　and　in　practice。

The　South　desired　to　fit　the　emancipated　Negro　race　into　the　new　social　order　by　frankly　recognizing　his　inferiority　to　the　whites。　In　some　things　racial　separation　was　unavoidable。　New　legislation　consequently　must　be　enacted；　because　the　slave　codes　were　obsolete；　because　the　old　laws　made　for　the　small　free　Negro　class　did　not　meet　present　conditions；　and　because　the　emancipated　blacks　could　not　be　brought　conveniently　and　at　once　under　laws　originally　devised　for　a　white　population。　The　new　laws　must　meet　many　needs；　family　life；　morals；　and　conduct　must　be　regulated；　the　former　slave　must　be　given　a　status　in　court　in　order　that　he　might　be　protected　in　person　and　property；　the　old；　the　infirm；　and　the　orphans　must　be　cared　for；　the　white　race　must　be　protected　from　lawless　blacks　and　the　blacks　from　unscrupulous　and　violent　whites；　the　Negro　must　have　an　opportunity　for　education；　and　the　roving　blacks　must　be　forced　to　get　homes；　settle　down；　and　go　to　work。

Pending　such　legislation　the　affairs　of　the　Negro　remained　in　control　of　the　unpopular　Freedmen's　Bureaua　〃system　of　espionage；〃　as　Judge　Clayton　of　Alabama　called　it；　and；　according　to　Governor　Humphreys　of　Mississippi；　〃a　hideous　curse〃　under　which　white　men　were　persecuted　and　pillaged。　Judge　Memminger　of　South　Carolina；　in　a　letter　to　President　Johnson；　emphasized　the　fact　that　the　whites　of　England　and　the　United　States　gained　civil　and　political　rights　through　centuries　of　slow　advancement　and　that　they　were　far　ahead　of　the　people　of　European　states。　Consequently；　it　would　be　a　mistake　to　give　the　freedmen　a　status　equal　to　that　of　the　most　advanced　whites。　Rather；　let　the　United　States　profit　by　the　experience　of　the　British　in　their　emancipation　policies　and　arrange　a　system　of　apprenticeship　for　a　period　of　transition。　When　the　Negro　should　be　fit；　let　him　be　advanced　to　citizenship。

Most　South