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values；　the　latter　according　to　the　theory　of　productive　powers。



The　first　at　his　death　may　prove　much　richer　than　the　second　in



mere　exchangeable　value；　but　it　is　quite　otherwise　as　respects



productive　powers。　The　estate　of　the　latter　is　divided　into　two



parts；　and　every　part　will　by　the　aid　of　improved　management　yield



as　much　total　produce　as　the　whole　did　before；　while　the　remaining



three　sons　have　by　their　talents　obtained　abundant　means　of



maintenance。　The　landed　property　of　the　former　will　be　divided　into



five　parts；　and　every　part　will　be　worked　in　as　bad　a　manner　as　the



whole　was　heretofore。　In　the　latter　family　a　mass　of　different



mental　forces　and　talents　is　awakened　and　cultivated；　which　will



increase　from　generation　to　generation；　every　succeeding　generation



possessing　more　power　of　obtaining　material　wealth　than　the



preceding　one；　while　in　the　former　family　stupidity　and　poverty



must　increase　with　the　diminution　of　the　shares　in　the　landed



property。　So　the　slaveholder　increases　by　slave…breeding　the　sum　of



his　values　of　exchange；　but　he　ruins　the　productive　forces　of



future　generations。　All　expenditure　in　the　instruction　of　youth；



the　promotion　of　justice；　defence　of　nations；　&c。　is　a　consumption



of　present　values　for　the　behoof　of　the　productive　powers。　The



greatest　portion　of　the　consumption　of　a　nation　is　used　for　the



education　of　the　future　generation；　for　promotion　and　nourishment



of　the　future　national　productive　powers。



　　　　The　Christian　religion；　monogamy；　abolition　of　slavery　and　of



vassalage；　hereditability　of　the　throne；　invention　of　printing；　of



the　press；　of　the　postal　system；　of　money　weights　and　measures；　of



the　calendar；　of　watches；　of　police；　'the　introduction　of　the



principle　of　freehold　property；　of　means　of　transport；　are　rich



sources　of　productive　power。　To　be　convinced　of　this；　we　need　only



compare　the　condition　of　the　European　states　with　that　of　the



Asiatic　ones。　In　order　duly　to　estimate　the　influence　which　liberty



of　thought　and　conscience　has　on　the　productive　forces　of　nations；



we　need　only　read　the　history　of　England　and　then　that　of　Spain。



The　publicity　of　the　administration　of　justice；　trial　by　jury；



parliamentary　legislation；　public　control　of　State　administration；



self…administration　of　the　commonalties　and　municipalities；　liberty



of　the　press；　liberty　of　association　for　useful　purposes；　impart　to



the　citizens　of　constitutional　states；　as　also　to　their　public



functionaries；　a　degree　of　energy　and　power　which　can　hardly　be



produced　by　other　means。　We　can　scarcely　conceive　of　any　law　or　any



public　legal　decision　which　would　not　exercise　a　greater　or　smaller



influence　on　the　increase　or　decrease　of　the　productive　power　of



the　nation。（2*）　If　we　consider　merely　bodily　labour　as　the　cause　of



wealth；　how　can　we　then　explain　why　modern　nations　are　incomparably



richer；　more　populous；　more　powerful；　and　prosperous　than　the



nations　of　ancient　times？　The　ancient　nations　employed　（in



proportion　to　the　whole　population）　infinitely　more　hands；　the　work



was　much　harder；　each　individual　possessed　much　more　land；　and　yet



the　masses　were　much　worse　fed　and　clothed　than　is　the　case　in



modern　nations。　In　order　to　explain　these　phenomena；　we　must　refer



to　the　progress　which　has　been　made　in　the　course　of　the　last



thousand　years　in　sciences　and　arts；　domestic　and　public



regulations；　cultivation　of　the　mind　and　capabilities　of



production。　The　present　state　of　the　nations　is　the　result　of　the



accumulation　of　all　discoveries；　inventions；　improvements；



perfections；　and　exertions　of　all　generations　which　have　lived



before　us；　they　form　the　mental　capital　of　the　present　human　race；



and　every　separate　nation　is　productive　only　in　the　proportion　in



which　it　has　known　how　to　appropriate　these　attainments　of　former



generations　and　to　increase　them　by　its　own　acquirements；　in　which



the　natural　capabilities　of　its　territory；　its　extent　and



geographical　position；　its　population　and　political　power；　have



been　able　to　develop　as　completely　and　symmetrically　as　possible



all　sources　of　wealth　within　its　boundaries；　and　to　extend　its



moral；　intellectual；　commercial；　and　political　influence　over　less



advanced　nations　and　especially　over　the　affairs　of　the　world。



　　　　The　popular　school　of　economists　would　have　us　believe　that



politics　and　political　power　cannot　be　taken　into　consideration　in



political　economy。　So　far　as　it　makes　only　values　and　exchange　the



subjects　of　its　investigations；　this　may　be　correct；　we　can　define



the　ideas　of　value　and　capital；　profit；　wages；　and　rent；　we　can



resolve　them　into　their　elements；　and　speculate　on　what　may



influence　their　rising　or　falling；　&c。　without　thereby　taking　into



account　the　political　circumstances　of　the　nation。　Clearly；



however；　these　matters　appertain　as　much　to　private　economy　as　to



the　economy　of　whole　nations。　We　have　merely　to　consider　the



history　of　Venice；　of　the　Hanseatic　League；　of　Portugal；　Holland；



and　England；　in　order　to　perceive　what　reciprocal　influence



material　wealth　and　political　power　exercise　on　each　other。



　　　　The　school　also　always　falls　into　the　strangest　inconsistencies



whenever　this　reciprocal　influence　forces　itself　on　their



consideration。　Let　us　here　only　call　to　mind　the　remarkable　dictum



of　Adam　Smith　on　the　English　Navigation　Laws。（3*）



　　　　The　popular　school；　inasmuch　as　it　does　not　duly　consider　the



nature　of　the　powers　of　production；　and　does　not　take　into　account



the　conditions　of　nations　in　their　aggregate；　disregards　especially



the　importance　of　developing　in　an　equal　ratio　agriculture；



manufactures　and　commerce；　political　power　and　internal　wealth；　and



disregards　especially　the　value　of　a　manufacturing　power　belonging



specially　to　the　nation　and　fully　developed　in　all　its　branches。　It



commits　the　error　of　placing　manufacturing　power　in　the　same



category　with　agricultural　power；　and　of　speaking　of　labour；



natural　power；　capital；　&c。　in　general　terms　without　considering



the　differences　which　exist　between　them。　It　does　not　perceive　that



between　a　State　devoted　merely　to　agriculture　and　a　State



possessing　both　agriculture　and　manufactures；　a　much　greater



difference　exists　than　between　a　pastoral　State　and　an　agricultural



one。　In　a　condition　of　merely　agricultural　industry；　caprice　and



slavery；　superstition　and　ignorance；　want　of　means　of　culture；　of



trade；　and　of　transport；　poverty　and　political　weakness　exist。　In



the　merely　agricultural　State　only　the　least　portion　of　the　mental



and　bodily　powers　existing　in　the　nation　is　awakened　and　developed；



and　only　the　least　part　of　the　powers　and　resources　placed　by



nature　at　its　disposal　can　be　made　use　of；　while　little　or　no



capital　can　be　accumulated。



　　　　Let　us　compare　Poland　with　England：　both　nations　at　one　time



were　in　the　same　stage　of　culture；　and　now　what　a　difference。



Manufactories　and　manufactures　are　the　mothers　and　children　of



municipal　liberty；　of　intelligence；　of　the　arts　and　sciences；　of



internal　and　external　commerce；　of　navigation　and　improvements　in



transport；　of　civilisation　and　political　power。　They　are　the　chief



means　of　liberating　agriculture　from　its　chains；　and　of　elevating



it　to　a　commercial　character　and　to　a　degree　of　art　and　science；　by



which　the　rents；　farming　profits；　and　wages　are　increased；　and



greater　value　is　given　to　landed　property。　The　popular　school　has



attributed　this　civilising　power　to　foreign　trade；　but　in　that　it



has　confounded　the　mere　exchanger　with　the　originator。　Foreign



manufactures　furnish　the　goods　for　the　foreign　trade；　which　the



latter　conveys　to　us；　and　which　occasion　consumption　of　products



and　raw　materials　which　we　give　in　exchange　for　the　goods　in　lieu



of　money　payments。



　　　　If；　however；　trade　in　the　manufactures　of　far　distant　lands



exercises　admittedly　so　beneficial　an　influence　on　our　agricultural



industry；　how　much　more　beneficial　must　the　influence　be　of　those



manufactures　which　are　bound　up　with　us　locally；　commercially；　and



politically；　which　not　only　take　from　us　a　small　portion；　but　the



largest　portion　of　their　requirements　of　food　and　of　raw　materials；



which　are　not　made　dearer　to　us　by　great　costs　of　transport；　our



trade　in　which　cannot　be　interrupted　by　the　chance　of　foreign



manufacturing　nations　learning　to　supply　their　own　wants



themselves；　or　by　wars　and　prohibitory　import　duties？



　　　　We　now　see　into　what　extraordinary　mistakes　and　co