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suggested　by　Judge　Douglas；　and　give　them　a　brief　attention；　while　I

shall　have　to　totally　omit　others　for　the　want　of　time。



Judge　Douglas　has　said　to　you　that　he　has　not　been　able　to　get　from

me　an　answer　to　the　question　whether　I　am　in　favor　of　negro

citizenship。　　So　far　as　I　know　the　Judge　never　asked　me　the　question

before。　　He　shall　have　no　occasion　to　ever　ask　it　again；　for　I　tell

him　very　frankly　that　I　am　not　in　favor　of　negro　citizenship。　　This

furnishes　me　an　occasion　for　saying　a　few　words　upon　the　subject。　　I

mentioned　in　a　certain　speech　of　mine；　which　has　been　printed；　that

the　Supreme　Court　had　decided　that　a　negro　could　not　possibly　be　made

a　citizen；　and　without　saying　what　was　my　ground　of　complaint　in

regard　to　that；　or　whether　I　had　any　ground　of　complaint；　Judge

Douglas　has　from　that　thing　manufactured　nearly　everything　that　he

ever　says　about　my　disposition　to　produce　an　equality　between　the

negroes　and　the　white　people。　　If　any　one　will　read　my　speech；　he

will　find　I　mentioned　that　as　one　of　the　points　decided　in　the　course

of　the　Supreme　Court　opinions；　but　I　did　not　state　what　objection　I

had　to　it。　　But　Judge　Douglas　tells　the　people　what　my　objection　was

when　I　did　not　tell　them　myself。　　Now；　my　opinion　is　that　the

different　States　have　the　power　to　make　a　negro　a　citizen　under　the

Constitution　of　the　United　States　if　they　choose。　　The　Dred　Scott

decision　decides　that　they　have　not　that　power。　　If　the　State　of

Illinois　had　that　power；　I　should　be　opposed　to　the　exercise　of　it。

That　is　all　I　have　to　say　about　it。



Judge　Douglas　has　told　me　that　he　heard　my　speeches　north　and　my

speeches　south；　that　he　had　heard　me　at　Ottawa　and　at　Freeport　in　the

north　and　recently　at　Jonesboro　in　the　south；　and　there　was　a　very

different　cast　of　sentiment　in　the　speeches　made　at　the　different

points。　　I　will　not　charge　upon　Judge　Douglas　that　he　wilfully

misrepresents　me；　but　I　call　upon　every　fair…minded　man　to　take　these

speeches　and　read　them；　and　I　dare　him　to　point　out　any　difference

between　my　speeches　north　and　south。　　While　I　am　here　perhaps　I　ought

to　say　a　word；　if　I　have　the　time；　in　regard　to　the　latter　portion　of

the　Judge's　speech；　which　was　a　sort　of　declamation　in　reference　to

my　having　said　I　entertained　the　belief　that　this　government　would

not　endure　half　slave　and　half　free。　　I　have　said　so；　and　I　did　not

say　it　without　what　seemed　to　me　to　be　good　reasons。　　It　perhaps

would　require　more　time　than　I　have　now　to　set　forth　these　reasons　in

detail；　but　let　me　ask　you　a　few　questions。　　Have　we　ever　had　any

peace　on　this　slavery　question？　　When　are　we　to　have　peace　upon　it；

if　it　is　kept　in　the　position　it　now　occupies？　　How　are　we　ever　to

have　peace　upon　it？　　That　is　an　important　question。　　To　be　sure；　if

we　will　all　stop；　and　allow　Judge　Douglas　and　his　friends　to　march　on

in　their　present　career　until　they　plant　the　institution　all　over　the

nation；　here　and　wherever　else　our　flag　waves；　and　we　acquiesce　in

it；　there　will　be　peace。　　But　let　me　ask　Judge　Douglas　how　he　is

going　to　get　the　people　to　do　that？　　They　have　been　wrangling　over

this　question　for　at　least　forty　years。　　This　was　the　cause　of　the

agitation　resulting　in　the　Missouri　Compromise；　this　produced　the

troubles　at　the　annexation　of　Texas；　in　the　acquisition　of　the

territory　acquired　in　the　Mexican　War。　　Again；　this　was　the　trouble

which　was　quieted　by　the　Compromise　of　1850；　when　it　was　settled

〃forever　〃　as　both　the　great　political　parties　declared　in　their

National　Conventions。　　That　〃forever〃　turned　out　to　be　just　four

years；　when　Judge　Douglas　himself　reopened　it。　　When　is　it　likely　to

come　to　an　end？　　He　introduced　the　Nebraska　Bill　in　1854　to　put

another　end　to　the　slavery　agitation。　　He　promised　that　it　would

finish　it　all　up　immediately；　and　he　has　never　made　a　speech　since；

until　he　got　into　a　quarrel　with　the　President　about　the　Lecompton

Constitution；　in　which　he　has　not　declared　that　we　are　just　at　the

end　of　the　slavery　agitation。　　But　in　one　speech；　I　think　last

winter；　he　did　say　that　he　did　n't　quite　see　when　the　end　of　the

slavery　agitation　would　come。　　Now　he　tells　us　again　that　it　is　all

over　and　the　people　of　Kansas　have　voted　down　the　Lecompton

Constitution。　　How　is　it　over？　　That　was　only　one　of　the　attempts　at

putting　an　end　to　the　slavery　agitationone　of　these　〃final

settlements。〃　　Is　Kansas　in　the　Union？　　Has　she　formed　a　constitution

that　she　is　likely　to　come　in　under？　　Is　not　the　slavery　agitation

still　an　open　question　in　that　Territory？　　Has　the　voting　down　of

that　constitution　put　an　end　to　all　the　trouble？　　Is　that　more　likely

to　settle　it　than　every　one　of　these　previous　attempts　to　settle　the

slavery　agitation？　　Now；　at　this　day　in　the　history　of　the　world　we

can　no　more　foretell　where　the　end　of　this　slavery　agitation　will　be

than　we　can　see　the　end　of　the　world　itself。　　The　Nebraska…Kansas

Bill　was　introduced　four　years　and　a　half　ago；　and　if　the　agitation

is　ever　to　come　to　an　end　we　may　say　we　are　four　years　and　a　half

nearer　the　end。　　So；　too；　we　can　say　we　are　four　years　and　a　half

nearer　the　end　of　the　world；　and　we　can　just　as　clearly　see　the　end

of　the　world　as　we　can　see　the　end　of　this　agitation。　　The　Kansas

settlement　did　not　conclude　it。　　If　Kansas　should　sink　to…day；　and

leave　a　great　vacant　space　in　the　earth's　surface；　this　vexed

question　would　still　be　among　us。　　I　say；　then；　there　is　no　way　of

putting　an　end　to　the　slavery　agitation　amongst　us　but　to　put　it　back

upon　the　basis　where　our　fathers　placed　it；　no　way　but　to　keep　it　out

of　our　new　Territories；to　restrict　it　forever　to　the　old　States

where　it　now　exists。　　Then　the　public　mind　will　rest　in　the　belief

that　it　is　in　the　course　of　ultimate　extinction。　　That　is　one　way　of

putting　an　end　to　the　slavery　agitation。



The　other　way　is　for　us　to　surrender　and　let　Judge　Douglas　and　his

friends　have　their　way　and　plant　slavery　over　all　the　States；　cease

speaking　of　it　as　in　any　way　a　wrong；　regard　slavery　as　one　of　the

common　matters　of　property；　and　speak　of　negroes　as　we　do　of　our

horses　and　cattle。　　But　while　it　drives　on　in　its　state　of　progress

as　it　is　now　driving；　and　as　it　has　driven　for　the　last　five　years；　I

have　ventured　the　opinion；　and　I　say　to…day；　that　we　will　have　no　end

to　the　slavery　agitation　until　it　takes　one　turn　or　the　other。　　I　do

not　mean　that　when　it　takes　a　turn　toward　ultimate　extinction　it　will

be　in　a　day；　nor　in　a　year；　nor　in　two　years。　　I　do　not　suppose　that

in　the　most　peaceful　way　ultimate　extinction　would　occur　in　less　than

a　hundred　years　at　least；　but　that　it　will　occur　in　the　best　way　for

both　races；　in　God's　own　good　time；　I　have　no　doubt。　　But；　my

friends；　I　have　used　up　more　of　my　time　than　I　intended　on　this

point。



Now；　in　regard　to　this　matter　about　Trumbull　and　myself　having　made　a

bargain　to　sell　out　the　entire　Whig　and　Democratic　parties　in　1854：

Judge　Douglas　brings　forward　no　evidence　to　sustain　his　charge；

except　the　speech　Matheny　is　said　to　have　made　in　1856；　in　which　he

told　a　cock…and…bull　story　of　that　sort；　upon　the　same　moral

principles　that　Judge　Douglas　tells　it　here　to…day。　　This　is　the

simple　truth。　　I　do　not　care　greatly　for　the　story；　but　this　is　the

truth　of　it：　and　I　have　twice　told　Judge　Douglas　to　his　face　that

from　beginning　to　end　there　is　not　one　word　of　truth　in　it。　　I　have

called　upon　him　for　the　proof；　and　he　does　not　at　all　meet　me　as

Trumbull　met　him　upon　that　of　which　we　were　just　talking；　by

producing　the　record。　　He　did　n't　bring　the　record　because　there　was

no　record　for　him　to　bring。　　When　he　asks　if　I　am　ready　to　indorse

Trumbull's　veracity　after　he　has　broken　a　bargain　with　me；　I　reply

that　if　Trumbull　had　broken　a　bargain　with　me　I　would　not　be　likely

to　indorse　his　veracity；　but　I　am　ready　to　indorse　his　veracity

because　neither　in　that　thing；　nor　in　any　other；　in　all　the　years

that　I　have　known　Lyman　Trumbull；　have　I　known　him　to　fail　of　his

word　or　tell　a　falsehood　large　or　small。　　It　is　for　that　reason　that

I　indorse　Lyman　Trumbull。



＇Mr。　JAMES　BROWN　（Douglas　postmaster）：　〃What　does　Ford's　History　say

about　him？〃＇



Some　gentleman　asks　me　what　Ford's　History　says　about　him。　　My　own

recollection　is　that　Ford　speaks　of　Trumbull　in　very　disrespectful

terms　in　several　portions　of　his　book；　and　that　he　talks　a　great　deal

worse　of　Judge　Douglas。　　I　refer　you；　sir；　to　the　History　for

examination。



Judge　Douglas　complains　at　considerable　length　about　a　disposition　on

the　part　of　Trumbull　and　myself　to　attack　him　personally。　　I　want　to

attend　to　that　suggestion　a　moment。　　I　don't　want　to　be　unjustly

accused　of　dealing　illiberally　or　unfairly　with　an　adversary；　either

in　court　or　in　a　political　canvass　or　anywhere　else。　　I　would　despise

myself　if　I　supposed　myself　ready　to　deal　less　liberally　with　an

adversary　than　I　was　willing　to　be　treated　myself。