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difficulty in regard to the institution of slavery is the mere

agitation of office…seekers and ambitious Northern politicians。  He

thinks we want to get 〃his place;〃 I suppose。  I agree that there are

office…seekers amongst us。  The Bible says somewhere that we are

desperately selfish。  I think we would have discovered that fact

without the Bible。  I do not claim that I am any less so than the

average of men; but I do claim that I am not more selfish than Judge

Douglas。



But is it true that all the difficulty and agitation we have in

regard to this institution of slavery spring from office…seeking;

from the mere ambition of politicians?  Is that the truth?  How many

times have we had danger from this question?  Go back to the day of

the Missouri Compromise。  Go back to the nullification question; at

the bottom of which lay this same slavery question。  Go back to the

time of the annexation of Texas。  Go back to the troubles that led to

the Compromise of 1850。  You will find that every time; with the

single exception of the Nullification question; they sprung from an

endeavor to spread this institution。  There never was a party in the

history of this country; and there probably never will be; of

sufficient strength to disturb the general peace of the country。

Parties themselves may be divided and quarrel on minor questions; yet

it extends not beyond the parties themselves。  But

does not this question make a disturbance outside of political

circles?  Does it not enter into the churches and rend them asunder?

What divided the great Methodist Church into two parts; North and

South?  What has raised this constant disturbance in every

Presbyterian General Assembly that meets?  What disturbed the

Unitarian Church in this very city two years ago?  What has jarred

and shaken the great American Tract Society recently; not yet

splitting it; but sure to divide it in the end?  Is it not this same

mighty; deep…seated power that somehow operates on the minds of men;

exciting and stirring them up in every avenue of society;in

politics; in religion; in literature; in morals; in all the manifold

relations of life?  Is this the work of politicians?  Is that

irresistible power; which for fifty years has shaken the government

and agitated the people; to be stifled and subdued by pretending that

it is an exceedingly simple thing; and we ought not to talk about it?

If you will get everybody else to stop talking about it; I assure you

I will quit before they have half done so。  But where is the

philosophy or statesmanship which assumes that you can quiet that

disturbing element in our society which has disturbed us for more

than half a century; which has been the only serious danger that has

threatened our institutions;I say; where is the philosophy or the

statesmanship based on the assumption that we are to quit talking

about it; and that the public mind is all at once to cease being

agitated by it?  Yet this is the policy here in the North that

Douglas is advocating; that we are to care nothing about it!  I ask

you if it is not a false philosophy。  Is it not a false statesmanship

that undertakes to build up a system of policy upon the basis of

caring nothing about the very thing that everybody does care the most

abouta thing which all experience has shown we care a very great

deal about?



The Judge alludes very often in the course of his remarks to the

exclusive right which the States have to decide the whole thing for

themselves。  I agree with him very readily that the different States

have that right。  He is but fighting a man of straw when he assumes

that I am contending against the right of the States to do as they

please about it。  Our controversy with him is in regard to the new

Territories。  We agree that when the States come in as States they

have the right and the power to do as they please。  We have no power

as citizens of the free…States; or in our Federal capacity as members

of the Federal Union through the General Government; to disturb

slavery in the States where it exists。  We profess constantly that we

have no more inclination than belief in the power of the government

to disturb it; yet we are driven constantly to defend ourselves from

the assumption that we are warring upon the rights of the Sates。

What I insist upon is; that the new Territories shall be kept free

from it while in the Territorial condition。  Judge Douglas assumes

that we have no interest in them;that we have no right whatever to

interfere。  I think we have some interest。  I think that as white men

we have。  Do we not wish for an outlet for our surplus population; if

I may so express myself?  Do we not feel an interest in getting to

that outlet with such institutions as we would like to have prevail

there?  If you go to the Territory opposed to slavery; and another

man comes upon the same ground with his slave; upon the assumption

that the things are equal; it turns out that he has the equal right

all his way; and you have no part of it your way。  If he goes in and

makes it a slave Territory; and by consequence a slave State; is it

not time that those who desire to have it a free State were on equal

ground?  Let me suggest it in a different way。  How many Democrats

are there about here '〃A thousand〃' who have left slave States and

come into the free State of Illinois to get rid of the institution of

slavery?  'Another voice: 'A thousand and one。〃' I reckon there are a

thousand and one。  I will ask you; if the policy you are now

advocating had prevailed when this country was in a Territorial

condition; where would you have gone to get rid of it?  Where would

you have found your free State or Territory to go to?  And when

hereafter; for any cause; the people in this place shall desire to

find new homes; if they wish to be rid of the institution; where will

they find the place to go to?



Now; irrespective of the moral aspect of this question as to whether

there is a right or wrong in enslaving a negro; I am still in favor

of our new Territories being in such a condition that white men may

find a home;may find some spot where they can better their

condition; where they can settle upon new soil and better their

condition in life。  I am in favor of this; not merely (I must say it

here as I have elsewhere) for our own people who are born amongst us;

but as an outlet for free white people everywhere the world overin

which Hans; and Baptiste; and Patrick; and all other men from all the

world; may find new homes and better their conditions in life。



I have stated upon former occasions; and I may as well state again;

what I understand to be the real issue in this controversy between

Judge Douglas and myself。  On the point of my wanting to make war

between the free and the slave States; there has been no issue

between us。  So; too; when he assumes that I am in favor of producing

a perfect social and political equality between the white and black

races。  These are false issues; upon which Judge Douglas has tried to

force the controversy。  There is no foundation in truth for the

charge that I maintain either of these propositions。  The real issue

in this controversythe one pressing upon every mindis the

sentiment on the part of one class that looks upon the institution of

slavery as a wrong; and of another class that does not look upon it

as a wrong。  The sentiment that contemplates the institution of

slavery in this country as a wrong is the sentiment of the Republican

party。  It is the sentiment around which all their actions; all their

arguments; circle; from which all their propositions radiate。  They

look upon it as being a moral; social; and political wrong; and while

they contemplate it a; such; they nevertheless have due regard for

its actual existence among us; and the difficulties of getting rid of

it in any satisfactory way; and to all the constitutional obligations

thrown about it。  Yet; having a due regard for these; they desire a

policy in regard to it that looks to its not creating any more

danger。  They insist that it should; as far as may be; be treated as

a wrong; and one of the methods of treating it as a wrong is to make

provision that it shall grow no larger。  They also desire a policy

that looks to a peaceful end of slavery at some time。  These are the

views they entertain in regard to it as I understand them; and all

their sentiments; all their arguments and propositions; are brought

within this range。  I have said; and I repeat it here; that if there

be a man amongst us who does not think that the institution of

slavery is wrong in any one of the aspects of which I have spoken; he

is misplaced; and ought not to be with us。  And if there be a man

amongst us who is so impatient of it as a wrong as to disregard its

actual presence among us and the difficulty of getting rid of it

suddenly in a satisfactory way; and to disregard the constitutional

obligations th

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