common sense-第10节

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These　are　circumstances　which　demand　our　attention；　and　point　out

the　necessity　of　naval　protection。



Some；　perhaps；　will　say；　that　after　we　have　made　it　up　Britain；

she　will　protect　us。　　Can　we　be　so　unwise　as　to　mean；

that　she　shall　keep　a　navy　in　our　harbours　for　that　purpose？

Common　sense　will　tell　us；　that　the　power　which　hath　endeavoured

to　subdue　us；　is　of　all　others　the　most　improper　to　defend　us。

Conquest　may　be　effected　under　the　pretence　of　friendship；

and　ourselves　after　a　long　and　brave　resistance；　be　at　last　cheated

into　slavery。　　And　if　her　ships　are　not　to　be　admitted　into　our　harbours；

I　would　ask；　how　is　she　to　protect　us？　　A　navy　three　or　four　thousand　miles

off　can　be　of　little　use；　and　on　sudden　emergencies；　none　at　all。

Wherefore；　if　we　must　hereafter　protect　ourselves；　why　not　do　it　for　ourselves？



The　English　list　of　ships　of　war；　is　long　and　formidable；　but　not

a　tenth　part　of　them　are　at　any　one　time　fit　for　service；　numbers　of　them

not　in　being；　yet　their　names　are　pompously　continued　in　the　list；　

f　only　a　plank　be　left　of　the　ship：　and　not　a　fifth　part　of　such　as　are

fit　for　service；　can　be　spared　on　any　one　station　at　one　time。


The　East　and　West　Indies；　Mediterranean；　Africa；　and　other　parts

over　which　Britain　extends　her　claim；　make　large　demands　upon　her　navy。

From　a　mixture　of　prejudice　and　inattention；　we　have　contracted　a　false

notion　respecting　the　navy　of　England；　and　have　talked　as　if　we　should

have　the　whole　of　it　to　encounter　at　once；　and　for　that　reason；　supposed；

that　we　must　have　one　as　large；　which　not　being　instantly　practicable；

have　been　made　use　of　by　a　set　of　disguised　Tories　to　discourage

our　beginning　thereon。　　Nothing　can　be　farther　from　truth　than　this；

for　if　America　had　only　a　twentieth　part　of　the　naval　force　of　Britain；

she　would　be　by　far　an　overmatch　for　her；　because；　as　we　neither　have；

nor　claim　any　foreign　dominion；　our　whole　force　would　be　employed　on

our　own　coast；　where　we　should；　in　the　long　run；　have　two　to　one　the　advantage

of　those　who　had　three　or　four　thousand　miles　to　sail　over；

before　they　could　attack　us；　and　the　same　distance　to　return

in　order　to　refit　and　recruit。　　And　although　Britain；　by　her　fleet；

hath　a　check　over　our　trade　to　Europe；　we　have　as　large　a　one　over　her　trade

to　the　West　Indies；　which；　by　laying　in　the　neighbourhood　of　the　continent；

is　entirely　at　its　mercy。



Some　method　might　be　fallen　on　to　keep　up　a　naval　force　in　time　of　peace；

if　we　should　not　judge　it　necessary　to　support　a　constant　navy。

If　premiums　were　to　be　given　to　merchants；　to　build　and　employ　in　their

service　ships　mounted　with　twenty；　thirty；　forty　or　fifty　guns；

（the　premiums　to　be　in　proportion　to　the　loss　of　bulk　to　the　merchants）

fifty　or　sixty　of　those　ships；　with　a　few　guardships　on　constant　duty；

would　keep　up　a　sufficient　navy；　and　that　without　burdening　ourselves

with　the　evil　so　loudly　complained　of　in　England；　of　suffering　their　fleet；

in　time　of　peace　to　lie　rotting　in　the　docks。　　To　unite　the　sinews

of　commerce　and　defense　is　sound　policy；　for　when　our　strength

and　our　riches　play　into　each　other's　hand；　we　need　fear　no　external　enemy。



In　almost　every　article　of　defense　we　abound。　　Hemp　flourishes　even

to　rankness；　so　that　we　need　not　want　cordage。　　Our　iron　is　superior

to　that　of　other　countries。　　Our　small　arms　equal　to　any　in　the　world。

Cannon　we　can　cast　at　pleasure。　　Saltpetre　and　gunpowder　we　are　every

day　producing。　　Our　knowledge　is　hourly　improving。　　Resolution　is　our

inherent　character；　and　courage　hath　never　yet　forsaken　us。　　Wherefore；

what　is　it　that　we　want？　　Why　is　it　that　we　hesitate？　　From　Britain　we　can

expect　nothing　but　ruin。　　If　she　is　once　admitted　to　the　government

of　America　again；　this　Continent　will　not　be　worth　living　in。

Jealousies　will　be　always　arising；　insurrections　will　be　constantly　happening；

and　who　will　go　forth　to　quell　them？　　Who　will　venture　his　life　to　reduce　his

own　countrymen　to　a　foreign　obedience？　　The　difference　between　Pennsylvania

and　Connecticut；　respecting　some　unlocated　lands；　shews　the　insignificance

of　a　British　government；　and　fully　proves；　that　nothing　but　Continental

authority　can　regulate　Continental　matters。



Another　reason　why　the　present　time　is　preferable　to　all　others；　is；

that　the　fewer　our　numbers　are；　the　more　land　there　is　yet　unoccupied；

which　instead　of　being　lavished　by　the　king　on　his　worthless　dependants；

may　be　hereafter　applied；　not　only　to　the　discharge　of　the　present　debt；

but　to　the　constant　support　of　government。　　No　nation　under　heaven　hath

such　an　advantage　at　this。



The　infant　state　of　the　Colonies；　as　it　is　called；　so　far

from　being　against；　is　an　argument　in　favour　of　independance。

We　are　sufficiently　numerous；　and　were　we　more　so；　we　might　be　less　united。

It　is　a　matter　worthy　of　observation；　that　the　mare　a　country　is　peopled；

the　smaller　their　armies　are。　　In　military　numbers；　the　ancients　far　exceeded

the　modems：　and　the　reason　is　evident。　　for　trade　being　the　consequence

of　population；　men　become　too　much　absorbed　thereby　to　attend　to

anything　else。　　Commerce　diminishes　the　spirit；　both　of　patriotism

and　military　defence。　　And　history　sufficiently　informs　us；　that　the

bravest　achievements　were　always　accomplished　in　the　non…age　of　a　nation。

With　the　increase　of　commerce；　England　hath　lost　its　spirit。　　The　city

of　London；　notwithstanding　its　numbers；　submits　to　continued　insults

with　the　patience　of　a　coward。　　The　more　men　have　to　lose；　the　less　willing

are　they　to　venture。　　The　rich　are　in　general　slaves　to　fear；　and　submit

to　courtly　power　with　the　trembling　duplicity　of　a　Spaniel。



Youth　is　the　seed　time　of　good　habits；　as　well　in　nations　as　in　individuals。

It　might　be　difficult；　if　not　impossible；　to　form　the　Continent　into　one

government　half　a　century　hence。　　The　vast　variety　of　interests；

occasioned　by　an　increase　of　trade　and　population；　would　create　confusion。

Colony　would　be　against　colony。　　Each　being　able　might　scorn　each　other's

assistance：　and　while　the　proud　and　foolish　gloried　in　their　little

distinctions；　the　wise　would　lament；　that　the　union　had　not　been　formed　before。

Wherefore；　the　PRESENT　TIME　is　the　TRUE　TIME　for　establishing　it。

The　intimacy　which　is　contracted　in　infancy；　and　the　friendship　which

is　formed　in　misfortune；　are；　of　all　others；　the　most　lasting　and　unalterable。

Our　present　union　is　marked　with　both　these　characters：　we　are　young

and　we　have　been　distressed；　but　our　concord　hath　withstood　our　troubles；

and　fixes　a　memorable　are　for　posterity　to　glory　in。



The　present　time；　likewise；　is　that　peculiar　time；　which　never　happens

to　a　nation　but　once；　viz。　the　time　of　forming　itself　into　a　government。

Most　nations　have　let　slip　the　opportunity；　and　by　that　means　have　been

compelled　to　receive　laws　from　their　conquerors；　instead　of　making　laws

for　themselves。　　First；　they　had　a　king；　and　then　a　form　of　government；

whereas；　the　articles　or　charter　of　government；　should　be　formed　first；

and　men　delegated　to　execute　them　afterward　but　from　the　errors　of　other

nations；　let　us　learn　wisdom；　and　lay　hold　of　the　present　opportunity

TO　BEGIN　GOVERNMENT　AT　THE　RIGHT　END。



When　William　the　Conqueror　subdued　England；　he　gave　them　law　at　the

point　of　the　sword；　and　until　we　consent；　that　the　seat　of　government；

in　America；　be　legally　and　authoritatively　occupied；　we　shall　be　in

danger　of　having　it　filled　by　some　fortunate　ruffian；　who　may　treat　us

in　the　same　manner；　and　then；　where　will　be　our　freedom？　where　our　property？

As　to　religion；　I　hold　it　to　be　the　indispensable　duty　of　all　government；

to　protect　all　conscientious　professors　thereof；　and　I　know　of　no　other

business　which　government　hath　to　do　therewith；　Let　a　man　throw　aside

that　narrowness　of　soul；　that　selfishness　of　principle；　which　the　niggards

of　all　professions　are　willing　to　part　with；　and　he　will　be　at　delivered

of　his　fears　on　that　head。　　Suspicion　is　the　companion　of　mean　souls；

and　the　bane　of　all　good　society。　　For　myself；　I　fully　and　conscientiously

believe；　that　it　is　the　will　of　the　Almighty；　that　there　should　be　diversity

of　religious　opinions　among　us：　It　affords　a　larger　field　for　our　Christian

kindness。　　Were　we　all　of　one　way　of　thinking；　our　religious　dispositions

would　want　matter　for　probation；　and　on　this　liberal　principle；　I　look

on　the　various　denominations　among　us；　to　be　like　children　of　the　same　family；

differing　only；　in　what　is　called；　their　Christian　names。



In　page　forty；　I　threw　out　a　few　thoughts　on　the　propriety　of　a

Continental　Charter；　（for　I　only　presume　to　offer　hints；　not　plans）

and　in　this　place；　I　take　the　liberty　of　rementioning　the　subject；

by　observing；　that　a　charter　is　to　be　understood　as　a　bond

of　solemn　obligation；　which　the　whole　enters　into；

to　support　the　right　of　every　separate　part；

whether　of　religion；　personal　freedom；　or　property。

A