part15-第4节
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considerations。
My situation; far in the interior of the country; was not
favorable to the object of getting this work translated and printed。
Philadelphia is the least distant of the great towns of our States;
where there exists any enterprise in this way; and it was not till
the spring following the receipt of your letter; that I obtained an
arrangement for its execution。 The translation is just now
completed。 The sheets came to me by post; from time to time; for
revisal; but not being accompanied by the original; I could not judge
of verbal accuracies。 I think; however; it is substantially correct;
without being an adequate representation of the excellences of the
original; as indeed no translation can be。 I found it impossible to
give it the appearance of an original composition in our language。 I
therefore think it best to divert inquiries after the author towards
a quarter where he will not be found; and with this view; propose to
prefix the prefatory epistle; now enclosed。 As soon as a copy of the
work can be had; I will send it to you by duplicate。 The secret of
the author will be faithfully preserved during his and my joint
lives; and those into whose hands my papers will fall at my death;
will be equally worthy of confidence。 When the death of the author;
or his living consent shall permit the world to know their
benefactor; both his and my papers will furnish the evidence。 In the
meantime; the many important truths the work so solidly establishes;
will; I hope; make it the political rudiment of the young; and manual
of our older citizens。
One of its doctrines; indeed; the preference of a plural over a
singular executive; will probably not be assented to here。 When our
present government was first established; we had many doubts on this
question; and many leanings towards a supreme executive council。 It
happened that at that time the experiment of such an one was
commenced in France; while the single executive was under trial here。
We watched the motions and effects of these two rival plans; with an
interest and anxiety proportioned to the importance of a choice
between them。 The experiment in France failed after a short course;
and not from any circumstance peculiar to the times or nation; but
from those internal jealousies and dissensions in the Directory;
which will ever arise among men equal in power; without a principal
to decide and control their differences。 We had tried a similar
experiment in 1784; by establishing a committee of the States;
composed of a member from every State; then thirteen; to exercise the
executive functions during the recess of Congress。 They fell
immediately into schisms and dissensions; which became at length so
inveterate as to render all co…operation among them impracticable:
they dissolved themselves; abandoning the helm of government; and it
continued without a head; until Congress met the ensuing winter。
This was then imputed to the temper of two or three individuals; but
the wise ascribed it to the nature of man。 The failure of the French
Directory; and from the same cause; seems to have authorized a belief
that the form of a plurality; however promising in theory; is
impracticable with men constituted with the ordinary passions。 While
the tranquil and steady tenor of our single executive; during a
course of twenty…two years of the most tempestuous times the history
of the world has ever presented; gives a rational hope that this
important problem is at length solved。 Aided by the counsels of a
cabinet of heads of departments; originally four; but now five; with
whom the President consults; either singly or altogether; he has the
benefit of their wisdom and information; brings their views to one
centre; and produces an unity of action and direction in all the
branches of the government。 The excellence of this construction of
the executive power has already manifested itself here under very
opposite circumstances。 During the administration of our first
President; his cabinet of four members was equally divided by as
marked an opposition of principle as monarchism and republicanism
could bring into conflict。 Had that cabinet been a directory; like
positive and negative quantities in algebra; the opposing wills would
have balanced each other and produceda state of absolute inaction。
But the President heard with calmness the opinions and reasons of
each; decided the course to be pursued; and kept the government
steadily in it; unaffected by the agitation。 The public knew well
the dissensions of the cabinet; but never had an uneasy thought on
their account; because they knew also they had provided a regulating
power which would keep the machine in steady movement。 I speak with
an intimate knowledge of these scenes; _quorum pars fui_; as I may of
others of a character entirely opposite。 The third administration;
which was of eight years; presented an example of harmony in a
cabinet of six person; to which perhaps history has furnished no
parallel。 There never arose; during the whole time; an instance of
an unpleasant thought or word between the members。 We sometimes met
under differences of opinion; but scarcely ever failed; by conversing
and reasoning; so to modify each other's ideas; as to produce an
unanimous result。 Yet; able and amicable as these members were; I am
not certain this would have been the case; had each possessed equal
and independent powers。 Ill…defined limits of their respective
departments; jealousies; trifling at first; but nourished and
strengthened by repetition of occasions; intrigues without doors of
designing persons to build an importance to themselves on the
divisions of others; might; from small beginnings; have produced
persevering oppositions。 But the power of decision in the President
left no object for internal dissension; and external intrigue was
stifled in embryo by the knowledge which incendiaries possessed; that
no division they could foment would change the course of the
executive power。 I am not conscious that my participations in
executive authority have produced any bias in favor of the single
executive; because the parts I have acted have been in the
subordinate; as well as superior stations; and because; if I know
myself; what I have felt; and what I have wished; I know that I have
never been so well pleased; as when I could shift power from my own;
on the shoulders of others; nor have I ever been able to conceive how
any rational being could propose happiness to himself from the
exercise of power over others。
I am still; however; sensible of the solidity of your
principle; that; to insure the safety of the public liberty; its
depository should be subject to be changed with the greatest ease
possible; and without suspending or disturbing for a moment the
movements of the machine of government。 You apprehend that a single
executive; with eminence of talent; and destitution of principle;
equal to the object; might; by usurpation; render his powers
hereditary。 Yet I think history furnishes as many examples of a
single usurper arising out of a government by a plurality; as of
temporary trusts of power in a single hand rendered permanent by
usurpation。 I do not believe; therefore; that this danger is
lessened in the hands of a plural executive。 Perhaps it is greatly
increased; by the state of inefficiency to which they are liable from
feuds and divisions among themselves。 The conservative body you
propose might be so constituted; as; while it would be an admirable
sedative in a variety of smaller cases; might also be a valuable
sentinel and check on the liberticide views of an ambitious
individual。 I am friendly to this idea。 But the true barriers of
our liberty in this country are our State governments; and the wisest
conservative power ever contrived by man; is that of which our
Revolution and present government found us possessed。 Seventeen
distinct States; amalgamated into one as to their foreign concerns;
but single and independent as to their internal administration;
regularly organized with legislature and governor resting on the
choice of the people; and enlightened by a free press; can never be
so fascinated by the arts of one man; as to submit voluntarily to his
usurpation。 Nor can they be constrained to it by any force he can
possess。 While that may paralyze the single State in which it
happens to be encamped; sixteen others; spread over a country of two
thousand miles diameter; rise up on every side; ready organized for
deliberation by a constitutional legislature; and for action by their
governor; constitutionally the commander of the militia of the State;
that is to say; of every man in it able to bear arms; and that
militia; too; regularly formed into regiments and battalions; into
infantry; cavalry and artillery; trained under officers general and
subordinate; le