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A LAW BEYOND THE CONSTITUTION
_To John B。 Colvin_
_Monticello; September 20; 1810_
SIR; Your favor of the 14th has been duly received; and I
have to thank you for the many obliging things respecting myself
which are said in it。 If I have left in the breasts of my fellow
citizens a sentiment of satisfaction with my conduct in the
transaction of their business; it will soften the pillow of my repose
through the residue of life。
The question you propose; whether circumstances do not
sometimes occur; which make it a duty in officers of high trust; to
assume authorities beyond the law; is easy of solution in principle;
but sometimes embarrassing in practice。 A strict observance of the
written laws is doubtless _one_ of the high duties of a good citizen;
but it is not _the highest_。 The laws of necessity; of
self…preservation; of saving our country when in danger; are of
higher obligation。 To lose our country by a scrupulous adherence to
written law; would be to lose the law itself; with life; liberty;
property and all those who are enjoying them with us; thus absurdly
sacrificing the end to the means。 When; in the battle of Germantown;
General Washington's army was annoyed from Chew's house; he did not
hesitate to plant his cannon against it; although the property of a
citizen。 When he besieged Yorktown; he leveled the suburbs; feeling
that the laws of property must be postponed to the safety of the
nation。 While the army was before York; the Governor of Virginia
took horses; carriages; provisions and even men by force; to enable
that army to stay together till it could master the public enemy; and
he was justified。 A ship at sea in distress for provisions; meets
another having abundance; yet refusing a supply; the law of
self…preservation authorizes the distressed to take a supply by
force。 In all these cases; the unwritten laws of necessity; of
self…preservation; and of the public safety; control the written laws
of _meum_ and _tuum_。 Further to exemplify the principle; I will
state an hypothetical case。 Suppose it had been made known to the
Executive of the Union in the autumn of 1805; that we might have the
Floridas for a reasonable sum; that that sum had not indeed been so
appropriated by law; but that Congress were to meet within three
weeks; and might appropriate it on the first or second day of their
session。 Ought he; for so great an advantage to his country; to have
risked himself by transcending the law and making the purchase? The
public advantage offered; in this supposed case; was indeed immense;
but a reverence for law; and the probability that the advantage might
still be _legally_ accomplished by a delay of only three weeks; were
powerful reasons against hazarding the act。 But suppose it foreseen
that a John Randolph would find means to protract the proceeding on
it by Congress; until the ensuing spring; by which time new
circumstances would change the mind of the other party。 Ought the
Executive; in that case; and with that foreknowledge; to have secured
the good to his country; and to have trusted to their justice for the
transgression of the law? I think he ought; and that the act would
have been approved。 After the affair of the Chesapeake; we thought
war a very possible result。 Our magazineswere illy provided with
some necessary articles; nor had any appropriations been made for
their purchase。 We ventured; however; to provide them; and to place
our country in safety; and stating the case to Congress; they
sanctioned the act。
To proceed to the conspiracy of Burr; and particularly to
General Wilkinson's situation in New Orleans。 In judging this case;
we are bound to consider the state of the information; correct and
incorrect; which he then possessed。 He expected Burr and his band
from above; a British fleet from below; and he knew there was a
formidable conspiracy within the city。Under these circumstances; was
he justifiable; 1st; in seizing notorious conspirators? On this there
can be but two opinions; one; of the guilty and their accomplices;
the other; that of all honest men。 2d。 In sending them to the seat
of government; when the written law gave them a right to trial in the
territory? The danger of their rescue; of their continuing their
machinations; the tardiness and weakness of the law; apathy of the
judges; active patronage of the whole tribe of lawyers; unknown
disposition of the juries; an hourly expectation of the enemy;
salvation of the city; and of the Union itself; which would have been
convulsed to its centre; had that conspiracy succeeded; all these
constituted a law of necessity and self…preservation; and rendered
the _salus populi_ supreme over the written law。 The officer who is
called to act on this superior ground; does indeed risk himself on
the justice of the controlling powers of the constitution; and his
station makes it his duty to incur that risk。 But those controlling
powers; and his fellow citizens generally; are bound to judge
according to the circumstances under which he acted。 They are not to
transfer the information of this place or moment to the time and
place of his action; but to put themselves into his situation。 We
knew here that there never was danger of a British fleet from below;
and that Burr's band was crushed before it reached the Mississippi。
But General Wilkinson's information was very different; and he could
act on no other。
From these examples and principles you may see what I think on
the question proposed。 They do not go to the case of persons charged
with petty duties; where consequences are trifling; and time allowed
for a legal course; nor to authorize them to take such cases out of
the written law。 In these; the example of overleaping the law is of
greater evil than a strict adherence to its imperfect provisions。 It
is incumbent on those only who accept of great charges; to risk
themselves on great occasions; when the safety of the nation; or some
of its very high interests are at stake。 An officer is bound to obey
orders; yet he would be a bad one who should do it in cases for which
they were not intended; and which involved the most important
consequences。 The line of discrimination between cases may be
difficult; but the good officer is bound to draw it at his own peril;
and throw himself on the justice of his country and the rectitude of
his motives。
I have indulged freer views on this question; on your
assurances that they are for your own eye only; and that they will
not get into the hands of newswriters。 I met their scurrilities
without concern; while in pursuit of the great interests with which I
was charged。 But in my present retirement; no duty forbids my wish
for quiet。
Accept the assurances of my esteem and respect。
RELATIONS WITH ADAMS
_To Dr。 Benjamin Rush_
_Monticello; January 16; 1811_
DEAR SIR; I had been considering for some days; whether it
was not time by a letter; to bring myself to your recollection; when
I received your welcome favor of the 2d instant。 I had before heard
of the heart…rending calamity you mention; and had sincerely
sympathized with your afflictions。 But I had not made it the subject
of a letter; because I knew that condolences were but renewals of
grief。 Yet I thought; and still think; this is one of the cases
wherein we should 〃not sorrow; even as others who have no hope。〃 I
have myself known so many cases of recovery from confirmed insanity;
as to reckon it ever among the recoverable diseases。 One of them was
that of a near relative and namesake of mine; who; after many years
of madness of the first degree; became entirely sane; and amused
himself to a good old age in keeping school; was an excellent teacher
and much valued citizen。
You ask if I have read Hartley? I have not。 My present course
of life admits less reading than I wish。 From breakfast; or noon at
latest; to dinner; I am mostly on horseback; attending to my farm or
other concerns; which I find healthful to my body; mind and affairs;
and the few hours I can pass in my cabinet; are devoured by
correspondences; not those with my intimate friends; with whom I
delight to interchange sentiments; but with others; who; writing to
me on concerns of their own in which I have had an agency; or from
motives of mere respect and approbation; are entitled to be answered
with respect and a return of good will。 My hope is that this
obstacle to the delights of retirement; will wear away with the
oblivion which follows that; and that I may at length be indulged in
those studious pursuits; from which nothing but revolutionary duties
would ever have called me。
I shall receive your proposed publication and read it with the
pleasure w