the spirit of laws-第50节

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ld　be　suspended；　and　the　people　agreed　to　it。　Livy；　dec。　5；　ii。

49。　They　extorted　it　from　the　senate；　says　Freinshemius；　dec。　2；　vi。

50。　There　is　no　manner　of　doubt　but　the　consuls　had　the　power　of　trying　civil　causes　before　the　creation　of　the　pr？tors。　See　Livy；　dec。　l；　ii。　1；　Dionysius　Halicarnassus；　x；　pp。　627；　645。

51。　The　tribunes　frequently　tried　causes　by　themselves　only；　but　nothing　rendered　them　more　odious。　　Dionysius　Halicarnassus；　xi；　p。　709。　

52。　Judicia　extraordinaria。　See　the　Institutes；　iv。

53。　Book　vi；　p。　360。

54。　Album　Judicium。

55。　〃Our　ancestors；〃　says　Cicero；　Pro　Cluentio；　〃would　not　suffer　any　man　whom　the　parties　had　not　agreed　to；　to　be　judge　of　the　least　pecuniary　affair；　much　less　of　a　citizen's　reputation。〃

56。　See　in　the　fragments　of　the　Servilian；　Cornelian；　and　other　laws；　in　what　manner　these　laws　appointed　judges　for　the　crimes　they　proposed　to　punish。　They　were　often　pitched　upon　by　choice；　sometimes　by　lot；　or；　in　fine；　by　lot　mixed　together　with　choice。

57。　Seneca；　De　Benefic。　iii。　7；　in　fine。

58。　See　Quintilian；　iv；　p。　54；　in　fol。　ed。；　Paris；　1541。

59。　Leg。　2　ff。　de　orig。　jur。　Magistrates　who　were　called　decemvirs　presided　in　court；　the　whole　under　a　pr？tor's　direction。

60。　Quoniam　de　capite　civis　Romani；　injussu　populi　Romani；　non　erat　permissum　consulibus　jus　dicere。　　See　Pomponius；Leg。　2；　§6；　ff。　de　orig。　jur。

61。　Dionysius　Halicarnassus；　v；　p。　322。

62。　The　comitia　by　centuries。　Thus　Manlius　Capitolinus　was　tried　in　these　comitia。　　Livy；　Dec。　1；　vi。　20。

63。　Pomponius；　in　Leg。　2；　Dig。；　de　orig。　jur。

64。　See　a　fragment　of　Ulpian；　who　gives　another　of　the　Cornelian　Law：　it　is　to　be　met　with　in　the　Collation　of　the　Mosaic　and　Roman　Laws；　tit。　i；　De　Sicariis　et　homicidiis。

65。　This　took　place；　especially　in　regard　to　crimes　committed　in　Italy；　which　were　subject　chiefly　to　the　inspection　of　the　senate。　See　Livy；　Dec。　1；　ix；　26；　concerning　the　conspiracies　at　Capua。

66。　This　was　the　case　in　the　prosecution　for　the　murder　of　Posthumius；　in　the　year　340　of　Rome。　See　Livy；　iv。　50。

67。　This　judgment　was　passed　in　the　year　of　Rome　567。

68。　Book　viii。

69。　Cicero；　in　Brutus。

70。　This　is　proved　from　Livy；　book　xliii。　46；　who　says　that　Hannibal　rendered　their　magistracy　annual。

71。　The　senatus…consultums　were　in　force　for　the　space　of　a　year；　though　not　confirmed　by　the　people。　　Dionysius　Halicarnassus　ix；　p。　595；　xi；　p。　735。

72。　In　the　year　630。

73。　Capite　censos　plerosque。　　Sallust；　De　Bello　Jugurth；　84。

74。　Fragment　of　this　author；　xxxvi；　in　the　collection　of　Constantine　Porphyrogenitus；　Of　Virtues　and　Vices　＇Historica＇。

75。　Fragment　of　his　history；　taken　from　the　extract　Of　Virtues　and　Vices　＇Historica＇。

76。　Fragment　of　the　book　xxxiv　in　the　extract　Of　Virtues　and　Vices　＇Historica＇。

77。　Penes　quos　Rom？　tum　judicia　erant；　atque　ex　equestri　ordine　solerent　sortito　judices　eligi　in　causa　Pr？torum　et　Proconsulum；　quibus　post　administratam　provinciam　dies　dicta　erat。

78。　They　made　their　edicts　upon　entering　the　provinces。

79。　Book　v。　19。　See　also　ii；　iii；　iv；　and　v。

80。　After　the　conquest　of　Macedonia　the　Romans　paid　no　taxes。

81。　Speech　taken　from　Trogus　Pompeius；　and　related　by　Justin；　xxxviii。　4。

82。　See　the　orations　against　Verres。

83。　It　is　well　known　what　sort　of　a　tribunal　was　that　of　Varus；　which　provoked　the　Germans　to　revolt。




Book　XII。　Of　the　Laws　That　Form　Political　Liberty；　in　Relation　to　the　Subject

1。　Idea　of　this　Book。　It　is　not　sufficient　to　have　treated　of　political　liberty　in　relation　to　the　constitution；　we　must　examine　it　likewise　in　the　relation　it　bears　to　the　subject。

We　have　observed　that　in　the　former　case　it　arises　from　a　certain　distribution　of　the　three　powers；　but　in　the　latter；　we　must　consider　it　in　another　light。　It　consists　in　security；　or　in　the　opinion　people　have　of　their　security。

The　constitution　may　happen　to　be　free；　and　the　subject　not。　The　subject　may　be　free；　and　not　the　constitution。　In　those　cases；　the　constitution　will　be　free　by　right；　and　not　in　fact；　the　subject　will　be　free　in　fact；　and　not　by　right。

It　is　the　disposition　only　of　the　laws；　and　even　of　the　fundamental　laws；　that　constitutes　liberty　in　relation　to　the　constitution。　But　as　it　regards　the　subject：　manners；　customs；　or　received　examples　may　give　rise　to　it；　and　particular　civil　laws　may　encourage　it；　as　we　shall　presently　observe。

Further；　as　in　most　states　liberty　is　more　checked　or　depressed　than　their　constitution　requires；　it　is　proper　to　treat　of　the　particular　laws　that　in　each　constitution　are　apt　to　assist　or　check　the　principle　of　liberty　which　each　state　is　capable　of　receiving。

2。　Of　the　Liberty　of　the　Subject。　Philosophic　liberty　consists　in　the　free　exercise　of　the　will；　or　at　least；　if　we　must　speak　agreeably　to　all　systems；　in　an　opinion　that　we　have　the　free　exercise　of　our　will。　Political　liberty　consists　in　security；　or；　at　least；　in　the　opinion　that　we　enjoy　security。

This　security　is　never　more　dangerously　attacked　than　in　public　or　private　accusations。　It　is；　therefore；　on　the　goodness　of　criminal　laws　that　the　liberty　of　the　subject　principally　depends。

Criminal　laws　did　not　receive　their　full　perfection　all　at　once。　Even　in　places　where　liberty　has　been　most　sought　after；　it　has　not　been　always　found。　Aristotle＇1＇　informs　us　that　at　Cum？　the　parents　of　the　accuser　might　be　witnesses。　So　imperfect　was　the　law　under　the　kings　of　Rome　that　Servius　Tullius　pronounced　sentence　against　the　children　of　Ancus　Martius；　who　were　charged　with　having　assassinated　the　king；　his　father…in…law。＇2＇　Under　the　first　kings　of　France；　Clotarius　made　a　law＇3＇　that　nobody　should　be　condemned　without　being　heard；　which　shows　that　a　contrary　custom　had　prevailed　in　some　particular　case　or　among　some　barbarous　people。　It　was　Charondas　that　first　established　penalties　against　false　witnesses。＇4＇　When　the　subject　has　no　fence　to　secure　his　innocence；　he　has　none　for　his　liberty。

The　knowledge　already　acquired　in　some　countries；　or　that　may　be　hereafter　attained　in　others；　concerning　the　surest　rules　to　be　observed　in　criminal　judgments；　is　more　interesting　to　mankind　than　any　other　thing　in　the　world。

Liberty　can　be　founded　on　the　practice　of　this　knowledge　only；　and　supposing　a　state　to　have　the　best　laws　imaginable　in　this　respect；　a　person　tried　under　that　state；　and　condemned　to　be　hanged　the　next　day；　would　have　much　more　liberty　than　a　pasha　enjoys　in　Turkey。

3。　The　same　Subject　continued。　Those　laws　which　condemn　a　man　to　death　on　the　deposition　of　a　single　witness　are　fatal　to　liberty。　In　reason　there　should　be　two；　because　a　witness　who　affirms；　and　the　accused　who　denies；　make　an　equal　balance；　and　a　third　must　incline　the　scale。

The　Greeks＇5＇　and　Romans＇6＇　required　one　voice　more　to　condemn：　but　our　French　laws　insist　upon　two。　The　Greeks　pretend　that　their　custom　was　established　by　the　gods；＇7＇　but　this　more　justly　may　be　said　of　ours。

4。　That　Liberty　is　favoured　by　the　Nature　and　Proportion　of　Punishments。　Liberty　is　in　perfection　when　criminal　laws　derive　each　punishment　from　the　particular　nature　of　the　crime。　There　are　then　no　arbitrary　decisions；　the　punishment　does　not　flow　from　the　capriciousness　of　the　legislator；　but　from　the　very　nature　of　the　thing；　and　man　uses　no　violence　to　man。

There　are　four　sorts　of　crimes。　Those　of　the　first　species　are　prejudicial　to　religion；　the　second　to　morals；　the　third　to　the　public　tranquillity；　and　the　fourth　to　the　security　of　the　subject。　The　punishments　inflicted　for　these　crimes　ought　to　proceed　from　the　nature　of　each　of　these　species。

In　the　class　of　crimes　that　concern　religion；　I　rank　only　those　which　attack　it　directly；　such　as　all　simple　sacrileges。　For　as　to　crimes　that　disturb　the　exercise　of　it；　they　are　of　the　nature　of　those　which　prejudice　the　tranquillity　or　security　of　the　subject；　and　ought　to　be　referred　to　those　classes。

In　order　to　derive　the　punishment　of　simple　sacrileges　from　the　nature　of　the　thing；＇8＇　it　should　consist　in　depriving　people　of　the　advantages　conferred　by　religion　in　expelling　them　out　of　the　temples；　in　a　temporary　or　perpetual　exclusion　from　the　society　of　the　faithful；　in　shunning　their　presence；　in　execrations；　comminations；　and　conjurations。

In　things　that　prejudice　the　tranquillity　or　security　of　the　state；　secret　actions　are　subject　to　human　jurisdiction。　But　in　those　which　offend　the　Deity；　where　there　is　no　public　act；　there　can　be　no　criminal　matter；　the　whole　passes　between　man　and　God；　who　knows　the　measure　and　time　of　His　vengeance。　Now　if　magistrates；　confounding　things；　should　inquire　also　into　hidden　sacrileges；　this　inquisition　would　be　directed　to　a　kind　of　action　that　does　not　at　all　require　it：　the　liberty　of　the　subject　would　be　subverted　by　arming　the　zeal　of　timorous　as　well　as　of　presumptuous　consciences　against　him。

The　mischief　arises　from　a　notion　which　some　people　have　entertained　of　revenging　the　cause　of　the　Deity。　But　we　must　honour　the　Deity　and　leave　him　to　avenge　his　own　cause。　And；　indeed；　were　we　to　be　directed　by　such　a　notion；　where　would　be　the　end　of　punishments？　If　human　laws　are　to　avenge　the　cause　of　an　in