the spirit of laws-第159节

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r　own　engagements；　a　duke　who　was　to　establish　the　military　discipline；　and　to　put　himself　at　the　head　of　a　nation　unhappily　practised　in　making　war　against　itself。　This　power　was　conferred　on　the　mayors　of　the　palace。

The　original　function　of　the　mayors　of　the　palace　was　the　management　of　the　king's　household。　They　had　afterwards；　in　conjunction　with　other　officers；　the　political　government　of　fiefs；　and　at　length　they　obtained　the　sole　disposal　of　them。＇50＇　They　had　also　the　administration　of　military　affairs；　and　the　command　of　the　armies；　employments　necessarily　connected　with　the　other　two。　In　those　days　it　was　much　more　difficult　to　raise　than　to　command　the　armies；　and　who　but　the　dispenser　of　favours　could　have　this　authority？　In　this　martial　and　independent　nation；　it　was　prudent　to　invite　rather　than　to　compel；　prudent　to　give　away　or　to　promise　the　fiefs　that　should　happen　to　be　vacant　by　the　death　of　the　possessor；　prudent；　in　fine；　to　reward　continually；　and　to　raise　a　jealousy　with　regard　to　preferences。　It　was　therefore　right　that　the　person　who　had　the　superintendence　of　the　palace　should　also　be　general　of　the　army。

6。　Second　Epoch　of　the　Humiliation　of　our　Kings　of　the　first　Race。　After　the　execution　of　Brunehault；　the　mayors　were　administrators　of　the　kingdom　under　the　sovereigns；　and　though　they　had　the　conduct　of　the　war；　the　kings　were　always　at　the　head　of　the　armies；　while　the　mayor　and　the　nation　fought　under　their　command。　But　the　victory　of　Duke　Pepin　over　Theodoric　and　his　mayor＇51＇　completed　the　degradation　of　our　princes；＇52＇　and　that　which　Charles　Martel　obtained　over　Chilperic　and　his　mayor　Rainfroy　confirmed　it。＇53＇　Austrasia　triumphed　twice　over　Neustria　and　Burgundy；　and　the　mayoralty　of　Austrasia　being　annexed　as　it　were　to　the　family　of　the　Pepins；　this　mayoralty　and　family　became　greatly　superior　to　all　the　rest。　The　conquerors　were　then　afraid　lest　some　person　of　credit　should　seize　the　king's　person；　in　order　to　excite　disturbances。　For　this　reason　they　kept　them　in　the　royal　palace　as　in　a　kind　of　prison；　and　once　a　year　showed　them　to　the　people。＇54＇　There　they　made　ordinances；　but　these　were　such　as　were　dictated　by　the　mayor；＇55＇　they　answered　ambassadors；　but　the　mayor　made　the　answers。　This　is　the　time　mentioned　by　historians　of　the　government　of　the　mayors　over　the　kings　whom　they　held　in　subjection。＇56＇

The　extravagant　passion　of　the　nation　for　Pepin's　family　went　so　far　that　they　chose　one　of　his　grandsons；　who　was　yet　an　infant；　for　mayor；＇57＇　and　put　him　over　one　Dagobert；　that　is；　one　phantom　over　another。

7。　Of　the　great　Offices　and　Fiefs　under　the　Mayors　of　the　Palace。　The　mayors　of　the　palace　were　little　disposed　to　establish　the　uncertain　tenure　of　places　and　offices；　for；　indeed；　they　ruled　only　by　the　protection　which　in　this　respect　they　granted　to　the　nobility。　Hence　the　great　offices　continued　to　be　given　for　life；　and　this　usage　was　every　day　more　firmly　established。

But　I　have　some　particular　reflections　to　make　here　in　respect　of　fiefs：　I　do　not　question　but　most　of　them　became　hereditary　from　this　time。

In　the　treaty　of　Andeli；＇58＇　Gontram　and　his　nephew　Childebert　engage　to　maintain　the　donations　made　to　the　vassals　and　churches　by　the　kings　their　predecessors；　and　leave　is　given　to　the　wives；　daughters；　and　widows　of　kings　to　dispose　by　will；　and　in　perpetuity；　of　whatever　they　hold　of　the　exchequer。

Marculfus　wrote　his　formularies　at　the　time　of　the　mayors。＇59＇　We　find　several　in　which　the　kings　make　donations　both　to　the　person　and　to　his　heirs：＇60＇　and　as　the　formularies　represent　the　common　actions　of　life；　they　prove　that　part　of　the　fiefs　had　become　hereditary　towards　the　end　of　the　first　race。　They　were　far　from　having　in　those　days　the　idea　of　an　unalienable　demesne；　this　is　a　modern　thing；　which　they　knew　neither　in　theory　nor　practice。

In　proof　hereof　we　shall　presently　produce　positive　fact；　and　if　we　can　point　out　a　time　in　which　there　were　no　longer　any　benefices　for　the　army；　nor　any　funds　for　its　support；　we　must　certainly　conclude　that　the　ancient　benefices　had　been　alienated。　The　time　I　mean　is　that　of　Charles　Martel；　who　founded　some　new　fiefs；　which　we　should　carefully　distinguish　from　those　of　the　earliest　date。

When　the　kings　began　to　make　grants　in　perpetuity；　either　through　the　corruption　which　crept　into　the　government　or　by　reason　of　the　constitution　itself；　which　continually　obliged　those　princes　to　confer　rewards；　it　was　natural　they　should　begin　with　giving　the　perpetuity　of　the　fiefs；　rather　than　of　the　counties。　For　to　deprive　themselves　of　some　acres　of　land　was　no　great　matter；　but　to　renounce　the　right　of　disposing　of　the　great　offices　was　divesting　themselves　of　their　very　power。

8。　In　what　Manner　the　Allodial　Estates　were　changed　into　Fiefs。　The　manner　of　changing　an　allodial　estate　into　a　fief　may　be　seen　in　a　formulary　of　Marculfus。＇61＇　The　owner　of　the　land　gave　it　to　the　king；　who　restored　it　to　the　donor　by　way　of　usufruct；　or　benefice；　and　then　the　donor　nominated　his　heirs　to　the　king。

In　order　to　find　out　the　reasons　which　induced　them　thus　to　change　the　nature　of　the　allodia；　I　must　trace　the　source　of　the　ancient　privileges　of　our　nobility；　a　nobility　which　for　these　eleven　centuries　has　been　enveloped　with　dust；　with　blood；　and　with　the　marks　of　toil。

They　who　were　seized　of　fiefs　enjoyed　very　great　advantages。　The　composition　for　the　injuries　done　them　was　greater　than　that　of　freemen。　It　appears　by　the　formularies　of　Marculfus　that　it　was　a　privilege　belonging　to　a　king's　vassal；　that　whoever　killed　him　should　pay　a　composition　of　six　hundred　sous。　This　privilege　was　established　by　the　Salic　law；＇62＇　and　by　that　of　the　Ripuarians；＇63＇　and　while　these　two　laws　ordained　a　composition　of　six　hundred　sous　for　the　murder　of　a　king's　vassal；　they　gave　but　two　hundred　sous　for　the　murder　of　a　person　freeborn；　if　he　was　a　Frank　or　Barbarian；　or　a　man　living　under；　the　Salic　law；＇64＇　and　only　a　hundred　for　a　Roman。

This　was　not　the　only　privilege　belonging　to　the　king's　vassals。　We　ought　to　know　that　when　a　man　was　summoned　in　court；　and　did　not　make　his　appearance　nor　obey　the　judge's　orders；　he　was　called　before　the　king；＇65＇　and　if　he　persisted　in　his　contumacy；　he　was　excluded　from　the　royal　protection；＇66＇　and　no　one　was　allowed　to　entertain　him；　nor　even　to　give　him　a　morsel　of　bread。　Now；　if　he　was　a　person　of　an　ordinary　condition；　his　goods　were　confiscated；＇67＇　but　if　he　was　the　king's　vassal；　they　were　not。＇68＇　The　first　by　his　contumacy　was　deemed　sufficiently　convicted　of　the　crime；　the　second　was　not；　the　former　for　the　smallest　crimes　was　obliged　to　undergo　the　trial　by　boiling　water；＇69＇　the　latter　was　condemned　to　this　trial　only　in　the　case　of　murder。＇70＇　In　fine；　the　king's　vassal　could　not　be　compelled　to　swear　in　court　against　another　vassal。＇71＇　These　privileges　were　continually　increasing；　and　the　Capitulary　of　Carloman　does　this　honour　to　the　king's　vassals；　that　they　should　not　be　obliged　to　swear　in　person；　but　only　by　the　mouth　of　their　own　vassals。＇72＇　Moreover；　when　a　person；　having　these　honours；　did　not　repair　to　the　army；　his　punishment　was　to　abstain　from　flesh…meat　and　wine　as　long　as　he　had　been　absent　from　the　service；　but　a　freeman＇73＇　who　neglected　to　follow　his　count　was　fined　sixty　sous；＇74＇　and　was　reduced　to　a　state　of　servitude　till　he　had　paid　it。

It　is　very　natural；　therefore；　to　believe　that　those　Franks　who　were　not　the　king's　vassals；　and　much　more　the　Romans；　became　fond　of　entering　into　the　state　of　vassalage：　and　that　they　might　not　be　deprived　of　their　demesnes；　they　devised　the　usage　of　giving　their　allodium　to　the　king；　of　receiving　it　from　him　afterwards　as　a　fief；　and　of　nominating　their　heirs。　This　usage　was　continued；　and　took　place　especially　during　the　times　of　confusion　under　the　second　race；　when　every　man　being　in　want　of　a　protector　was　desirous　of　incorporating　himself　with　the　other　lords；　and　of　entering；　as　it　were；　into　the　feudal　monarchy；　because　the　political　no　longer　existed。＇75＇

This　continued　under　the　third　race；　as　we　find　by　several　charters；＇76＇　whether　they　gave　their　allodium；　and　resumed　it　by　the　same　act；　or　whether　it　was　declared　an　allodium；　and　afterwards　acknowledged　as　a　fief。　These　were　called　fiefs　of　resumption。

This　does　not　imply　that　those　who　were　seized　of　fiefs　administered　them　as　a　prudent　father　of　a　family　would；　for　though　the　freemen　grew　desirous　of　being　possessed　of　fiefs；　yet　they　managed　this　sort　of　estates　as　usufructs　are　managed　in　our　days。　This　is　what　induced　Charlemagne；　the　most　vigilant　and　considerate　prince　we　ever　had；　to　make　a　great　many　regulations　in　order　to　hinder　the　fiefs　from　being　demeaned　in　favour　of　allodial　estates。＇77＇　It　proves　only　that　in　his　time　most　benefices　were　but　for　life；　and　consequently　that　they　took　more　care　of　the　freeholds　than　of　the　benefices；　and　yet　for　all　that；　they　did　not　choose　rather　to　be　the　king's　vassals　than　freemen。　They　might　have　reasons　for　disposing　of　some　particular　part　of　a　fief；　but　they　were　not　willing　to　be　stripped　of　their　dignity　likewise。

I　know；　likewise；　that　Charlemagne　laments　in　a　certain　capi