a theologico-political treatise [part iv]-第3节
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and will of another； is one which may be incurred with a light heart： for we
have shown that sovereigns only possess this right of imposing their will；
so long as they have the full power to enforce it： if such power be lost
their right to command is lost also； or lapses to those who have assumed it
and can keep it。 （51） Thus it is very rare for sovereigns to impose
thoroughly irrational commands； for they are bound to consult their own
interests； and retain their power by consulting the public good and
acting according to the dictates of reason； as Seneca says； 〃violenta
imperia nemo continuit diu。〃 （52） No one can long retain a tyrant's sway。
（16：53） In a democracy； irrational commands are still less to be feared： for
it is almost impossible that the majority of a people； especially if it be a
large one； should agree in an irrational design： and； moreover； the basis
and aim of a democracy is to avoid the desires as irrational； and to bring
men as far as possible under the control of reason； so that they may live in
peace and harmony： if this basis be removed the whole fabric falls to ruin。
（16：54） Such being the ends in view for the sovereign power； the duty of
subjects is； as I have said； to obey its commands； and to recognize no right
save that which it sanctions。
＇16：4＇ （55） It will； perhaps； be thought that we are turning subjects into
slaves： for slaves obey commands and free men live as they like； but this
idea is based on a misconception； for the true slave is he who is led away
by his pleasures and can neither see what is good for him nor act
accordingly： he alone is free who lives with free consent under the entire
guidance of reason。
（16：56） Action in obedience to orders does take away freedom in a certain
sense； but it does not； therefore； make a man a slave； all depends on the
object of the action。 （57） If the object of the action be the good of the
state； and not the good of the agent； the latter is a slave and does
himself no good： but in a state or kingdom where the weal of the whole
people； and not that of the ruler； is the supreme law； obedience to the
sovereign power does not make a man a slave； of no use to himself； but a
subject。 （58） Therefore； that state is the freest whose laws are founded on
sound reason； so that every member of it may； if he will； be free ＇Endnote
27＇； that is； live with full consent under the entire guidance of reason。
（16：59） Children； though they are bound to obey all the commands of their
parents； are yet not slaves： for the commands of parents look generally to
the children's benefit。
（60） We must； therefore； acknowledge a great difference between a slave； a
son； and a subject； their positions may be thus defined。 （61） A slave is one
who is bound to obey his master's orders； though they are given solely in
the master's interest： a son is one who obeys his father's orders； given
in his own interest； a subject obeys the orders of the sovereign power；
given for the common interest； wherein he is included。
（16：62） I think I have now shown sufficiently clearly the basis of a
democracy： I have especially desired to do so； for I believe it to be of all
forms of government the most natural； and the most consonant with individual
liberty。 （63） In it no one transfers his natural right so absolutely that he
has no further voice in affairs； he only hands it over to the majority of a
society； whereof he is a unit。 Thus all men remain as they were in the state
of nature； equals。
（16：64） This is the only form of government which I have treated of at
length； for it is the one most akin to my purpose of showing the benefits of
freedom in a state。
（65） I may pass over the fundamental principles of other forms of
government； for we may gather from what has been said whence their right
arises without going into its origin。 （66） The possessor of sovereign power；
whether he be one； or many； or the whole body politic； has the sovereign
right of imposing any commands he pleases： and he who has either
voluntarily； or under compulsion； transferred the right to defend him to
another； has； in so doing； renounced his natural right and is therefore
bound to obey； in all things； the commands of the sovereign power； and will
be bound so to do so long as the king； or nobles； or the people preserve the
sovereign power which formed the basis of the original transfer。 （67） I need
add no more。
＇16：5＇ （68） The bases and rights of dominion being thus displayed； we shall
readily be able to define private civil right； wrong； justice； and
injustice； with their relations to the state； and also to determine what
constitutes an ally； or an enemy； or the crime of treason。
（16：69） By private civil right we can only mean the liberty every man
possesses to preserve his existence； a liberty limited by the edicts of the
sovereign power； and preserved only by its authority： for when a man has
transferred to another his right of living as he likes； which was only
limited by his power； that is； has transferred his liberty and power of
self…defence； he is bound to live as that other dictates； and to trust to
him entirely for his defence。 （70） Wrong takes place when a citizen； or
subject； is forced by another to undergo some loss or pain in contradiction
to the authority of the law； or the edict of the sovereign power。
（16：71） Wrong is conceivable only in an organized community： nor can it ever
accrue to subjects from any act of the sovereign； who has the right to do
what he likes。 （72） It can only arise； therefore； between private persons；
who are bound by law and right not to injure one another。 （73） Justice
consists in the habitual rendering to every man his lawful due： injustice
consists in depriving a man； under the pretence of legality； of what the
laws； rightly interpreted； would allow him。 （74） These last are also called
equity and iniquity； because those who administer the laws are bound to show
no respect of persons； but to account all men equal； and to defend every
man's right equally； neither envying the rich nor despising the poor。
＇16：6＇（75） The men of two states become allies； when for the sake of
avoiding war； or for some other advantage； they covenant to do each other no
hurt； but on the contrary； to assist each other if necessity arises； each
retaining his independence。 （76） Such a covenant is valid so long as its
basis of danger or advantage is in force： no one enters into an engagement；
or is bound to stand by his compacts unless there be a hope of some accruing
good； or the fear of some evil： if this basis be removed the compact thereby
becomes void： this has been abundantly shown by experience。 （77） For
although different states make treaties not to harm one another； they always
take every possible precaution against such treaties being broken by the
stronger party； and do not rely on the compact； unless there is a
sufficiently obvious object and advantage to both parties in observing it。
（78） Otherwise they would fear a breach of faith； nor would there be any
wrong done thereby： for who in his proper senses； and aware of the right of
the sovereign power； would trust in the promises of one who has the will and
the power to do what he likes； and who aims solely at the safety and
advantage of his dominion？ （79） Moreover； if we consult loyalty and
religion； we shall see that no one in possession of power ought to abide by
his promises to the injury of his dominion； for he cannot keep such promises
without breaking the engagement he made with his subjects； by which both he
and they are most solemnly bound。 （80） An enemy is one who lives apart from
the state； and does not recognize its authority either as a subject or as an
ally。 It is not hatred which makes a man an enemy； but the rights of the
state。 （81） The rights of the state are the same in regard to him who
does not recognize by any compact the state authority； as they are against
him who has done the state an injury： it has the right to force him as best
it can； either to submit； or to contract an alliance。
＇16：7＇ （82） Lastly； treason can only be committed by subjects； who by
compact； either tacit or expressed； have transferred all their rights to the
state： a subject is said to have committed this crime when he has attempted；
for whatever reason； to seize the sovereign power； or to place it in
different hands。 （83） I say； has attempted； for if punishment were not to
overtake him till he had succeeded； it would often come too late； the
sovereign rights would have been acquired or transferred already。
（16：84） I also say； has attempted； for whatever reason； to seize the
sovereign pow
