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    It is easy to understand that before engaging in a new war;
which would necessarily cause new and heavy expenses; the Czar
would desire to obtain information as to the pecuniary resources
of the country from those persons whose duty it would be to
collect the taxes。 He; therefore; summoned to the Sobor the
tradesmen of the Guild of hosts and also the Moscovite and
Smolensk merchants; or; in other words; all those who had the
charge of collecting the revenues of indirect taxation; not only
in the metropolis; but throughout the empire。 Composed as it was
of the high officials; the members of the council; the
archbishops; bishops; archimandrites; abbots; and the local heads
of the military and financial administration; the Sobor of 1566
was not so much the representative of the people as of the
governing class。 It is; therefore; difficult to speak of its
analogy with the representative assemblies of Western Europe;
though some of the elements of which it was composed; are to be
found both in the Swedish and the German parliaments。 In Sweden
the army was called upon to send its generals; colonels; and even
its majors to the sittings; at least from 1598 to 1778。(4*) In
the German Landestande; as well as in the Swedish States…General;
the cities were regularly represented by their officers; the
Rathmanner; members of the city council; or Ratta borgare; as
they were called in Sweden; just as the French cities and
boroughs were usually represented in the Etats Generaux; not by
elected deputies; but by their maires; echevins and consuls。(5*)
    Now that we are acquainted with the manner in which the first
Sobor; this real assembly of notables; was composed; let us take
a look at its proceedings。 The question on which the Czar wanted
advice was whether he should engage in a new war with Poland; or
whether it would be better for him to restore to Kasimir the
cities which he had conquered in Lithuania。 Each estate had to
give a separate answer。 The clergy declared itself in favour of
war。 They maintained that Livonia had always belonged to Russia;
a preposterous claim which was plainly contradicted by history。
Whilst insisting on the impossibility of concluding peace on the
terms proposed by Kasimir; they declared themselves incapable of
judging what means the Government ought to take for the safety of
its new conquests。 〃The Czar alone must decide the matter。 It is
not our business to advise him on such questions; but to pray God
for the success of his undertakings。〃 This plainly meant that
they feared a new imposition of subsidies; and had no desire to
take on themselves the initiative of this taxation。
    The boyars gave a similar answer。 〃It is impossible;〃 said
they; 〃to leave in the hands of the Polish king the newly
conquered German cities; for in that case the important Russian
fortress of Polozk situated on the Dvina; would remain surrounded
by the lands of the enemy。〃 They also declared themselves ready
to serve the Czar whatever might be his decision。 〃God alone and
the Czar;〃 such was their conclusion; 〃ought to have the last
word in this matter。〃 Some dissentient members of the Douma
presented their own opinion in writing。 The noblemen of the first
and second class or statii; also expressed their opinions in two
different papers and were unanimous in their desire to retain the
Livonian cities。 Those of Toropeczk and Louczk; who were more
directly concerned in the matter; declared that they would
sacrifice their lives for a single 〃dessiatine〃 of the cities
surrounding Polozk which were claimed by the Polish king。 The
hosts and merchants of Moscow and Smolensk were not less
patriotic in their sentiments; the latter particularly insisting
on the impossibility of leaving Polozk without a territorial
district attached to it。 〃A village cannot exist without its own
district and still less a fortress;〃 said they。 〃If the king of
Poland gets the territory of Polozk that city will be of no use
to the Russians; and nothing will prevent the king building a new
fortress just opposite the Russian fortress。〃
    The general result of the conference was that the Czar
decided on war。
    We find no other General Assembly in the reign of Ivan the
Terrible; but we must not infer from that fact that the Czar
altogether forbore to apply to the people。 On two different
occasions we find him addressing the mob of Moscow; once in 1564;
in order to get their approval of the prosecution of the boyars
for their supposed treason against the State and open plundering
of the people; and a second time to ascertain their feelings on
the occasion of a fresh discomfiture of the Russian troops by the
Poles and the loss; not only of Livonia; but of Polozk and
Smolensk。 This last convention was in the year 1597 and was the
occasion of a long and patriotic speech delivered; in the name of
the Czar; by his secretary Schelkalov。 This speech; which
announced the loss of thousands of Russian soldiers; produced a
great impression; chiefly on the women; who; fearing their
husbands were dead; went crying through the streets and asking
for new ones。 Whereupon the secretary made a second speech in
which he threatened to have them flogged if they did not cease
their lamentations。 We thus find the experiment of admitting the
people to the discussion of public affairs degenerating; either
into appeals to the Moscow mob to sanction; by its consent; acts
of cruelty towards the members of the higher nobility; or into
threats of flogging made to poor weeping women in their
bereavement。
    It is difficult to discover in the facts which I have just
related any resemblance to a regular consultation of the people
in Parliament assembled。 The meetings are more like a parody of
the ancient folkmotes; the veche。
    The representative system remained unknown to Russia
throughout the sixteenth century。 The Assembly which in 1584
confirmed the right of the eldest son of Ivan; Theodor; to occupy
the Russian throne; although called 〃a parliament〃 by the English
Resident Hoarsav was; according to the same author; composed of
nothing but the chief clergy and members of the higher and lower
nobility。 Another assembly; that of 1585; called to deliberate on
the question of clerical immunities and the necessity for
subjecting the lands of monasteries to general taxation;
contained in its ranks only the higher clergy; the chief officers
of the State; and the members of the Council or Douma。
    The Rurik family became extinct on the death of the Czar
Theodor; and a new dynasty had to be chosen。 The higher nobility
seized this opportunity to impose certain limitations on the
exercise of the Sovereign power。 But the nearest candidate to the
throne; Boris Godounov; not being willing to consent to such
limitations; refused to accept the throne offered him by the
boyars and insisted on the necessity of summoning the cities to
decide who should occupy the throne of the Rurik family。 He did
this in the expectation that the people would oppose any measure
limiting the principle of autocracy。 The Sobor; which was called
together according to his wish; was widely different from the
ideal of a truly National Assembly。 Of the 457 members who were
present at its sittings; 83 belonged to the higher clergy; and
338 to the bureaucracy and the higher and lower nobility。 As to
the third estate; it was composed of only 21 hosts; of the head
of the Guild of hosts and of 13 deputies from the rural
districts。 This assembly was presided over by the Patriarch; the
Chief of the Russian clergy;and unanimously expressed itself
favourable to Boris Godounov; to whom the Russian throne was
offered unconditionally。
    Representatives of the lower classes of the city of Moscow
appeared in 1605 at the Sobor to which the false Demetrius
entrusted the right of judging the boyar and future Czar;
Basilius Schouisky; on account of a rebellion which he had
instigated。 The Sobor condemned Schouisky to death; but the Czar
Demetrius commuted this punishment to perpetual banishment to the
City of Viatka; whence he soon returned at the gracious order of
the monarch。
    The Assembly which in 1606; after the death of the false
Demetrius; elected Schouisky as the Czar of Russia; was not a
Sobor in the true sense of the word; for it was chiefly composed
of the boyars。 The Moscow mob nevertheless sanctioned the
election; and the new Czar was eagerly proclaimed at the
so…called 〃read place;〃 in front of the palace。
    This election of Schouisky has some claim to our attention;
as it was the first at which constitutional limits were imposed
on Russian autocracy。 The newly elected Czar had no immediate
relation with the dynasty of Rurik; and was but the equal of the
other boyars。 He was known to be vindictive and to have a great
number of relations and friends who would be ready enough to make
use of his power for their own advantage。 All this induced the
boyars to protect their own interests by the creation of rules
which their nominee was obliged to accept。 According to
Strahlenberg; the well…known author of the 〃historical and
Geographical Description of the Northern and Eastern parts of
Europe an

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