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dazzling　object　of　ambition　would　be　presented　to　the　leading　men

of　each　colony。　Instead　of　piddling　for　the　little　prizes　which

are　to　be　found　in　what　may　be　called　the　paltry　raffle　of　colony

faction；　they　might　then　hope；　from　the　presumption　which　men

naturally　have　in　their　own　ability　and　good　fortune；　to　draw

some　of　the　great　prizes　which　sometimes　come　from　the　wheel　of

the　great　state　lottery　of　British　polities。　Unless　this　or　some

other　method　is　fallen　upon；　and　there　seems　to　be　none　more

obvious　than　this；　of　preserving　the　importance　and　of　gratifying

the　ambition　of　the　leading　men　of　America；　it　is　not　very

probable　that　they　will　ever　voluntarily　submit　to　us；　and　we

ought　to　consider　that　the　blood　which　must　be　shed　in　forcing

them　to　do　so　is；　every　drop　of　it；　blood　either　of　those　who

are；　or　of　those　whom　we　wish　to　have　for　our　fellow　citizens。

They　are　very　weak　who　flatter　themselves　that；　in　the　state　to

which　things　have　come；　our　colonies　will　be　easily　conquered　by

force　alone。　The　persons　who　now　govern　the　resolutions　of　what

they　call　their　Continental　Congress；　feel　in　themselves　at　this

moment　a　degree　of　importance　which；　perhaps；　the　greatest

subjects　in　Europe　scarce　feel。　From　shopkeepers；　tradesmen；　and

attornies；　they　are　become　statesmen　and　legislators；　and　are

employed　in　contriving　a　new　form　of　government　for　an　extensive

empire；　which；　they　flatter　themselves；　will　become；　and　which；

indeed；　seems　very　likely　to　become；　one　of　the　greatest　and　most

formidable　that　ever　was　in　the　world。　Five　hundred　different

people；　perhaps；　who　in　different　ways　act　immediately　under　the

Continental　Congress；　and　five　hundred　thousand；　perhaps；　who　act

under　those　five　hundred；　all　feel　in　the　same　manner　a

proportionable　rise　in　their　own　importance。　Almost　every

individual　of　the　governing　party　in　America　fills；　at　present　in

his　own　fancy；　a　station　superior；　not　only　to　what　he　had　ever

filled　before；　but　to　what　he　had　ever　expected　to　fill；　and

unless　some　new　object　of　ambition　is　presented　either　to　him　or

to　his　leaders；　if　he　has　the　ordinary　spirit　of　a　man；　he　will

die　in　defence　of　that　station。

　　　　　It　is　a　remark　of　the　president　Henaut；　that　we　now　read

with　pleasure　the　account　of　many　little　transactions　of　the

Ligue；　which　when　they　happened　were　not　perhaps　considered　as

very　important　pieces　of　news。　But　every　man　then；　says　he；

fancied　himself　of　some　importance；　and　the　innumerable　memoirs

which　have　come　down　to　us　from　those　times；　were；　the　greater

part　of　them；　written　by　people　who　took　pleasure　in　recording

and　magnifying　events　in　which；　they　flattered　themselves；　they

had　been　considerable　actors。　How　obstinately　the　city　of　Paris

upon　that　occasion　defended　itself；　what　a　dreadful　famine　it

supported　rather　than　submit　to　the　best　and　afterwards　to　the

most　beloved　of　all　the　French　kings；　is　well　known。　The　greater

part　of　the　citizens；　or　those　who　governed　the　greater　part　of

them；　fought　in　defence　of　their　own　importance；　which　they

foresaw　was　to　be　at　an　end　whenever　the　ancient　government

should　be　re…established。　Our　colonies；　unless　they　can　be

induced　to　consent　to　a　union；　are　very　likely　to　defend

themselves　against　the　best　of　all　mother　countries　as

obstinately　as　the　city　of　Paris　did　against　one　of　the　best　of

kings。

　　　　　The　idea　of　representation　was　unknown　in　ancient　times。

When　the　people　of　one　state　were　admitted　to　the　right　of

citizenship　in　another；　they　had　no　other　means　of　exercising

that　right　but　by　coming　in　a　body　to　vote　and　deliberate　with

the　people　of　that　other　state。　The　admission　of　the　greater　part

of　the　inhabitants　of　Italy　to　the　privileges　of　Roman　citizens

completely　ruined　the　Roman　republic。　It　was　no　longer　possible

to　distinguish　between　who　was　and　who　was　not　a　Roman　citizen。

No　tribe　could　know　its　own　members。　A　rabble　of　any　kind　could

be　introduced　into　the　assemblies　of　the　people；　could　drive　out

the　real　citizens；　and　decide　upon　the　affairs　of　the　republic　as

if　they　themselves　had　been　such。　But　though　America　were　to　send

fifty　or　sixty　new　representatives　to　Parliament；　the　doorkeeper

of　the　House　of　Commons　could　not　find　any　great　difficulty　in

distinguishing　between　who　was　and　who　was　not　a　member。　Though

the　Roman　constitution；　therefore；　was　necessarily　ruined　by　the

union　of　Rome　with　the　allied　states　of　Italy；　there　is　not　the

least　probability　that　the　British　constitution　would　be　hurt　by

the　union　of　Great　Britain　with　her　colonies。　That　constitution；

on　the　contrary；　would　be　completed　by　it；　and　seems　to　be

imperfect　without　it。　The　assembly　which　deliberates　and　decides

concerning　the　affairs　of　every　part　of　the　empire；　in　order　to

be　properly　informed；　ought　certainly　to　have　representatives

from　every　part　of　it　That　this　union；　however；　could　be　easily

effectuated；　or　that　difficulties　and　great　difficulties　might

not　occur　in　the　execution；　I　do　not　pretend。　I　have　yet　heard　of

none；　however；　which　appear　insurmountable。　The　principal　perhaps

arise；　not　from　the　nature　of　things；　but　from　the　prejudices　and

opinions　of　the　people　both　on　this　and　on　the　other　side　of　the

Atlantic。

　　　　　We；　on　this　side　of　the　water；　are　afraid　lest　the　multitude

of　American　representatives　should　overturn　the　balance　of　the

constitution；　and　increase　too　much　either　the　influence　of　the

crown　on　the　one　hand；　or　the　force　of　the　democracy　on　the

other。　But　if　the　number　of　American　representatives　were　to　be

in　proportion　to　the　produce　of　American　taxation；　the　number　of

people　to　be　managed　would　increase　exactly　in　proportion　to　the

means　of　managing　them；　and　the　means　of　managing　to　the　number

of　people　to　be　managed。　The　monarchical　and　democratical　parts

of　the　constitution　would；　after　the　union；　stand　exactly　in　the

same　degree　of　relative　force　with　regard　to　one　another　as　they

had　done　before。

　　　　　The　people　on　the　other　side　of　the　water　are　afraid　lest

their　distance　from　the　seat　of　government　might　expose　them　to

many　oppressions。　But　their　representatives　in　Parliament；　of

which　the　number　ought　from　the　first　to　be　considerable；　would

easily　be　able　to　protect　them　from　all　oppression。　The　distance

could　not　much　weaken　the　dependency　of　the　representative　upon

the　constituent；　and　the　former　would　still　feel　that　he　owed　his

seat　in　Parliament；　and　all　the　consequences　which　he　derived

from　it；　to　the　good　will　of　the　latter。　It　would　be　the　interest

of　the　former；　therefore；　to　cultivate　that　good　will　by

complaining；　with　all　the　authority　of　a　member　of　the

legislature；　of　every　outrage　which　any　civil　or　military　officer

might　be　guilty　of　in　those　remote　parts　of　the　empire。　The

distance　of　America　from　the　seat　of　government；　besides；　the

natives　of　that　country　might　flatter　themselves；　with　some

appearance　of　reason　too；　would　not　be　of　very　long　continuance。

Such　has　hitherto　been　the　rapid　progress　of　that　country　in

wealth；　population；　and　improvement；　that　in　the　course　of　little

more　than　a　century；　perhaps；　the　produce　of　American　might

exceed　that　of　British　taxation。　The　seat　of　the　empire　would

then　naturally　remove　itself　to　that　part　of　the　empire　which

contributed　most　to　the　general　defence　and　support　of　the　whole。

　　　　　The　discovery　of　America；　and　that　of　a　passage　to　the　East

Indies　by　the　Cape　of　Good　Hope；　are　the　two　greatest　and　most

important　events　recorded　in　the　history　of　mankind。　Their

consequences　have　already　been　very　great；　but；　in　the　short

period　of　between　two　and　three　centuries　which　has　elapsed　since

these　discoveries　were　made；　it　is　impossible　that　the　whole

extent　of　their　consequences　can　have　been　seen。　What　benefits　or

what　misfortunes　to　mankind　may　hereafter　result　from　those　great

events；　no　human　wisdom　can　foresee。　By　uniting；　in　some　measure；

the　most　distant　parts　of　the　world；　by　enabling　them　to　relieve

one　another's　wants；　to　increase　one　another's　enjoyments；　and　to

encourage　one　another's　industry；　their　general　tendency　would

seem　to　be　beneficial。　To　the　natives　however；　both　of　the　East

and　West　Indies；　all　the　commercial　benefits　which　can　have

resulted　from　those　events　have　been　sunk　and　lost　in　the

dreadful　misfortunes　which　they　have　occasioned。　These

misfortunes；　however；　seem　to　have　arisen　rather　from　accident

than　from　anything　in　the　nature　of　those　events　themselves。　At

the　particular　time　when　these　discoveries　were　made；　the

superiority　of　force　happened　to　be　so　great　on　the　side　of　the

Europeans　that　they　were　enabled　to　commit　with　impunity　every

sort　of　injustice　in　those　remote　countries。　Hereafter；　perhaps；

the　natives　of　those　countries　may　grow　stronger；　or　those　of

Europe　may　grow　weaker；　and　the　inhabitants　of　all　the　different

quarters　of　the　world　may　arrive　at　that　equality　of　courage　and

force　which；　by　inspiring　mutual　fear；　can　alone　overawe　the

injustice　of　independent　nations　into　some　sort　of　respect　for