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dazzling object of ambition would be presented to the leading men

of each colony。 Instead of piddling for the little prizes which

are to be found in what may be called the paltry raffle of colony

faction; they might then hope; from the presumption which men

naturally have in their own ability and good fortune; to draw

some of the great prizes which sometimes come from the wheel of

the great state lottery of British polities。 Unless this or some

other method is fallen upon; and there seems to be none more

obvious than this; of preserving the importance and of gratifying

the ambition of the leading men of America; it is not very

probable that they will ever voluntarily submit to us; and we

ought to consider that the blood which must be shed in forcing

them to do so is; every drop of it; blood either of those who

are; or of those whom we wish to have for our fellow citizens。

They are very weak who flatter themselves that; in the state to

which things have come; our colonies will be easily conquered by

force alone。 The persons who now govern the resolutions of what

they call their Continental Congress; feel in themselves at this

moment a degree of importance which; perhaps; the greatest

subjects in Europe scarce feel。 From shopkeepers; tradesmen; and

attornies; they are become statesmen and legislators; and are

employed in contriving a new form of government for an extensive

empire; which; they flatter themselves; will become; and which;

indeed; seems very likely to become; one of the greatest and most

formidable that ever was in the world。 Five hundred different

people; perhaps; who in different ways act immediately under the

Continental Congress; and five hundred thousand; perhaps; who act

under those five hundred; all feel in the same manner a

proportionable rise in their own importance。 Almost every

individual of the governing party in America fills; at present in

his own fancy; a station superior; not only to what he had ever

filled before; but to what he had ever expected to fill; and

unless some new object of ambition is presented either to him or

to his leaders; if he has the ordinary spirit of a man; he will

die in defence of that station。

     It is a remark of the president Henaut; that we now read

with pleasure the account of many little transactions of the

Ligue; which when they happened were not perhaps considered as

very important pieces of news。 But every man then; says he;

fancied himself of some importance; and the innumerable memoirs

which have come down to us from those times; were; the greater

part of them; written by people who took pleasure in recording

and magnifying events in which; they flattered themselves; they

had been considerable actors。 How obstinately the city of Paris

upon that occasion defended itself; what a dreadful famine it

supported rather than submit to the best and afterwards to the

most beloved of all the French kings; is well known。 The greater

part of the citizens; or those who governed the greater part of

them; fought in defence of their own importance; which they

foresaw was to be at an end whenever the ancient government

should be re…established。 Our colonies; unless they can be

induced to consent to a union; are very likely to defend

themselves against the best of all mother countries as

obstinately as the city of Paris did against one of the best of

kings。

     The idea of representation was unknown in ancient times。

When the people of one state were admitted to the right of

citizenship in another; they had no other means of exercising

that right but by coming in a body to vote and deliberate with

the people of that other state。 The admission of the greater part

of the inhabitants of Italy to the privileges of Roman citizens

completely ruined the Roman republic。 It was no longer possible

to distinguish between who was and who was not a Roman citizen。

No tribe could know its own members。 A rabble of any kind could

be introduced into the assemblies of the people; could drive out

the real citizens; and decide upon the affairs of the republic as

if they themselves had been such。 But though America were to send

fifty or sixty new representatives to Parliament; the doorkeeper

of the House of Commons could not find any great difficulty in

distinguishing between who was and who was not a member。 Though

the Roman constitution; therefore; was necessarily ruined by the

union of Rome with the allied states of Italy; there is not the

least probability that the British constitution would be hurt by

the union of Great Britain with her colonies。 That constitution;

on the contrary; would be completed by it; and seems to be

imperfect without it。 The assembly which deliberates and decides

concerning the affairs of every part of the empire; in order to

be properly informed; ought certainly to have representatives

from every part of it That this union; however; could be easily

effectuated; or that difficulties and great difficulties might

not occur in the execution; I do not pretend。 I have yet heard of

none; however; which appear insurmountable。 The principal perhaps

arise; not from the nature of things; but from the prejudices and

opinions of the people both on this and on the other side of the

Atlantic。

     We; on this side of the water; are afraid lest the multitude

of American representatives should overturn the balance of the

constitution; and increase too much either the influence of the

crown on the one hand; or the force of the democracy on the

other。 But if the number of American representatives were to be

in proportion to the produce of American taxation; the number of

people to be managed would increase exactly in proportion to the

means of managing them; and the means of managing to the number

of people to be managed。 The monarchical and democratical parts

of the constitution would; after the union; stand exactly in the

same degree of relative force with regard to one another as they

had done before。

     The people on the other side of the water are afraid lest

their distance from the seat of government might expose them to

many oppressions。 But their representatives in Parliament; of

which the number ought from the first to be considerable; would

easily be able to protect them from all oppression。 The distance

could not much weaken the dependency of the representative upon

the constituent; and the former would still feel that he owed his

seat in Parliament; and all the consequences which he derived

from it; to the good will of the latter。 It would be the interest

of the former; therefore; to cultivate that good will by

complaining; with all the authority of a member of the

legislature; of every outrage which any civil or military officer

might be guilty of in those remote parts of the empire。 The

distance of America from the seat of government; besides; the

natives of that country might flatter themselves; with some

appearance of reason too; would not be of very long continuance。

Such has hitherto been the rapid progress of that country in

wealth; population; and improvement; that in the course of little

more than a century; perhaps; the produce of American might

exceed that of British taxation。 The seat of the empire would

then naturally remove itself to that part of the empire which

contributed most to the general defence and support of the whole。

     The discovery of America; and that of a passage to the East

Indies by the Cape of Good Hope; are the two greatest and most

important events recorded in the history of mankind。 Their

consequences have already been very great; but; in the short

period of between two and three centuries which has elapsed since

these discoveries were made; it is impossible that the whole

extent of their consequences can have been seen。 What benefits or

what misfortunes to mankind may hereafter result from those great

events; no human wisdom can foresee。 By uniting; in some measure;

the most distant parts of the world; by enabling them to relieve

one another's wants; to increase one another's enjoyments; and to

encourage one another's industry; their general tendency would

seem to be beneficial。 To the natives however; both of the East

and West Indies; all the commercial benefits which can have

resulted from those events have been sunk and lost in the

dreadful misfortunes which they have occasioned。 These

misfortunes; however; seem to have arisen rather from accident

than from anything in the nature of those events themselves。 At

the particular time when these discoveries were made; the

superiority of force happened to be so great on the side of the

Europeans that they were enabled to commit with impunity every

sort of injustice in those remote countries。 Hereafter; perhaps;

the natives of those countries may grow stronger; or those of

Europe may grow weaker; and the inhabitants of all the different

quarters of the world may arrive at that equality of courage and

force which; by inspiring mutual fear; can alone overawe the

injustice of independent nations into some sort of respect for

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