the crowd-第31节

按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！


　use　of　which　the　monarchy　was　so　justly　reproached；　could　only　be　resorted　to　by　persons　occupying　a　very　high　position；　while　the　warrant　is　an　instrument　in　the　hands　of　a　whole　class　of　citizens　which　is　far　from　passing　for　being　very　enlightened　or　very　independent。



Being　well　acquainted　with　the　psychology　of　castes；　and　also　with　the　psychology　of　other　categories　of　crowds；　I　do　not　perceive　a　single　case　in　which；　wrongly　accused　of　a　crime；　I　should　not　prefer　to　have　to　deal　with　a　jury　rather　than　with　magistrates。　　I　should　have　some　chance　that　my　innocence　would　be　recognised　by　the　former　and　not　the　slightest　chance　that　it　would　be　admitted　by　the　latter。　　The　power　of　crowds　is　to　be　dreaded；　but　the　power　of　certain　castes　is　to　be　dreaded　yet　more。　　Crowds　are　open　to　conviction；　castes　never　are。


CHAPTER　IV

ELECTORAL　CROWDS

General　characteristics　of　electoral　crowdsThe　manner　of　persuading　themThe　qualities　that　should　be　possessed　by　a　candidateNecessity　of　prestigeWhy　working　men　and　peasants　so　rarely　choose　candidates　from　their　own　classThe　influence　of　words　and　formulas　on　the　electorThe　general　aspect　of　election　oratoryHow　the　opinions　of　the　elector　are　formedThe　power　of　political　committeesThey　represent　the　most　redoubtable　form　of　tyrannyThe　committees　of　the　Revolution　Universal　suffrage　cannot　be　replaced　in　spite　of　its　slight　psychological　valueWhy　it　is　that　the　votes　recorded　would　remain　the　same　even　if　the　right　of　voting　were　restricted　to　a　limited　class　of　citizensWhat　universal　suffrage　expresses　in　all　countries。


ELECTORAL　crowdsthat　is　to　say；　collectivities　invested　with　the　power　of　electing　the　holders　of　certain　functionsconstitute　heterogeneous　crowds；　but　as　their　action　is　confined　to　a　single　clearly　determined　matter；　namely；　to　choosing　between　different　candidates；　they　present　only　a　few　of　the　characteristics　previously　described。　　Of　the　characteristics　peculiar　to　crowds；　they　display　in　particular　but　slight　aptitude　for　reasoning；　the　absence　of　the　critical　spirit；　irritability；　credulity；　and　simplicity。　　In　their　decision；　moreover；　is　to　be　traced　the　influence　of　the　leaders　of　crowds　and　the　part　played　by　the　factors　we　have　enumerated：　affirmation；　repetition；　prestige；　and　contagion。

Let　us　examine　by　what　methods　electoral　crowds　are　to　be　persuaded。　　It　will　be　easy　to　deduce　their　psychology　from　the　methods　that　are　most　successful。

It　is　of　primary　importance　that　the　candidate　should　possess　prestige。　Personal　prestige　can　only　be　replaced　by　that　resulting　from　wealth。　　Talent　and　even　genius　are　not　elements　of　success　of　serious　importance。

Of　capital　importance；　on　the　other　hand；　is　the　necessity　for　the　candidate　of　possessing　prestige；　of　being　able；　that　is；　to　force　himself　upon　the　electorate　without　discussion。　　The　reason　why　the　electors；　of　whom　a　majority　are　working　men　or　peasants；　so　rarely　choose　a　man　from　their　own　ranks　to　represent　them　is　that　such　a　person　enjoys　no　prestige　among　them。　　When；　by　chance；　they　do　elect　a　man　who　is　their　equal；　it　is　as　a　rule　for　subsidiary　reasonsfor　instance；　to　spite　an　eminent　man；　or　an　influential　employer　of　labour　on　whom　the　elector　is　in　daily　dependence；　and　whose　master　he　has　the　illusion　he　becomes　in　this　way　for　a　moment。

The　possession　of　prestige　does　not　suffice；　however；　to　assure　the　success　of　a　candidate。　　The　elector　stickles　in　particular　for　the　flattery　of　his　greed　and　vanity。　　He　must　be　overwhelmed　with　the　most　extravagant　blandishments；　and　there　must　be　no　hesitation　in　making　him　the　most　fantastic　promises。　　If　he　is　a　working　man　it　is　impossible　to　go　too　far　in　insulting　and　stigmatising　employers　of　labour。　　As　for　the　rival　candidate；　an　effort　must　be　made　to　destroy　his　chance　by　establishing　by　dint　of　affirmation；　repetition；　and　contagion　that　he　is　an　arrant　scoundrel；　and　that　it　is　a　matter　of　common　knowledge　that　he　has　been　guilty　of　several　crimes。　　It　is；　of　course；　useless　to　trouble　about　any　semblance　of　proof。　　Should　the　adversary　be　ill…acquainted　with　the　psychology　of　crowds　he　will　try　to　justify　himself　by　arguments　instead　of　confining　himself　to　replying　to　one　set　of　affirmations　by　another；　and　he　will　have　no　chance　whatever　of　being　successful。

The　candidate's　written　programme　should　not　be　too　categorical；　since　later　on　his　adversaries　might　bring　it　up　against　him；　in　his　verbal　programme；　however；　there　cannot　be　too　much　exaggeration。　　The　most　important　reforms　may　be　fearlessly　promised。　　At　the　moment　they　are　made　these　exaggerations　produce　a　great　effect；　and　they　are　not　binding　for　the　future；　it　being　a　matter　of　constant　observation　that　the　elector　never　troubles　himself　to　know　how　far　the　candidate　he　has　returned　has　followed　out　the　electoral　programme　he　applauded；　and　in　virtue　of　which　the　election　was　supposed　to　have　been　secured。

In　what　precedes；　all　the　factors　of　persuasion　which　we　have　described　are　to　be　recognised。　　We　shall　come　across　them　again　in　the　action　exerted　by　words　and　formulas；　whose　magical　sway　we　have　already　insisted　upon。　　An　orator　who　knows　how　to　make　use　of　these　means　of　persuasion　can　do　what　he　will　with　a　crowd。　　Expressions　such　as　infamous　capital；　vile　exploiters；　the　admirable　working　man；　the　socialisation　of　wealth；　&c。；　always　produce　the　same　effect；　although　already　somewhat　worn　by　use。　　But　the　candidate　who　hits　on　a　new　formula　as　devoid　as　possible　of　precise　meaning；　and　apt　in　consequence　to　flatter　the　most　varied　aspirations；　infallibly　obtains　a　success。　　The　sanguinary　Spanish　revolution　of　1873　was　brought　about　by　one　of　these　magical　phrases　of　complex　meaning　on　which　everybody　can　put　his　own　interpretation。　　A　contemporary　writer　has　described　the　launching　of　this　phrase　in　terms　that　deserve　to　be　quoted：


〃The　radicals　have　made　the　discovery　that　a　centralised　republic　is　a　monarchy　in　disguise；　and　to　humour　them　the　Cortes　had　unanimously　proclaimed　a　FEDERAL　REPUBLIC；　though　none　of　the　voters　could　have　explained　what　it　was　he　had　just　voted　for。　This　formula；　however；　delighted　everybody；　the　joy　was　intoxicating；　delirious。　　The　reign　of　virtue　and　happiness　had　just　been　inaugurated　on　earth。　　A　republican　whose　opponent　refused　him　the　title　of　federalist　considered　himself　to　be　mortally　insulted。　　People　addressed　each　other　in　the　streets　with　the　words：　　‘Long　live　the　federal　republic！'　　After　which　the　praises　were　sung　of　the　mystic　virtue　of　the　absence　of　discipline　in　the　army；　and　of　the　autonomy　of　the　soldiers。　What　was　understood　by　the　‘federal　republic？'　　There　were　those　who　took　it　to　mean　the　emancipation　of　the　provinces；　institutions　akin　to　those　of　the　United　States　and　administrative　decentralisation；　others　had　in　view　the　abolition　of　all　authority　and　the　speedy　commencement　of　the　great　social　liquidation。　　The　socialists　of　Barcelona　and　Andalusia　stood　out　for　the　absolute　sovereignty　of　the　communes；　they　proposed　to　endow　Spain　with　ten　thousand　independent　municipalities；　to　legislate　on　their　own　account；　and　their　creation　to　be　accompanied　by　the　suppression　of　the　police　and　the　army。　　In　the　southern　provinces　the　insurrection　was　soon　seen　to　spread　from　town　to　town　and　village　to　village。　　Directly　a　village　had　made　its　pronunciamento　its　first　care　was　to　destroy　the　telegraph　wires　and　the　railway　lines　so　as　to　cut　off　all　communication　with　its　neighbours　and　Madrid。　　The　sorriest　hamlet　was　determined　to　stand　on　its　own　bottom。　　Federation　had　given　place　to　cantonalism；　marked　by　massacres；　incendiarism；　and　every　description　of　brutality；　and　bloody　saturnalia　were　celebrated　throughout　the　length　and　breadth　of　the　land。〃


With　respect　to　the　influence　that　may　be　exerted　by　reasoning　on　the　minds　of　electors；　to　harbour　the　least　doubt　on　this　subject　can　only　be　the　result　of　never　having　read　the　reports　of　an　electioneering　meeting。　　In　such　a　gathering　affirmations；　invectives；　and　sometimes　blows　are　exchanged；　but　never　arguments。　　Should　silence　be　established　for　a　moment　it　is　because　some　one　present；　having　the　reputation　of　a　〃tough　customer；〃　has　announced　that　he　is　about　to　heckle　the　candidate　by　putting　him　one　of　those　embarrassing　questions　which　are　always　the　joy　of　the　audience。　　The　satisfaction；　however；　of　the　opposition　party　is　shortlived；　for　the　voice　of　the　questioner　is　soon　drowned　in　the　uproar　made　by　his　adversaries。　The　following　reports　of　public　meetings；　chosen　from　hundreds　of　similar　examples；　and　taken　from　the　daily　papers；　may　be　considered　as　typical：

〃One　of　the　organisers　of　the　meeting　having　asked　the　assembly　to　elect　a　president；　the　storm　bursts。　　The　anarchists　leap　on　to　the　platform　to　take　the　committee　table　by　storm。　　The　socialists　make　an　energetic　defence；　blows　are　exchanged；　and　each　party　accuses　the　other　of　being　spies　in　the　pay　of　the　Government；　&c。　。　。　。　　A　citizen　leaves　the　hall　with　a　black　eye。

〃The　committee　is　at　length　installed　as　best　it　may　be　in　the　midst　of　the　tumult；　and　the　right　to　speak　devolves　upon　‘Comrade'　X。

〃The　orator　starts　a　vigo