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courts　as　are　not　established　by　the　Constitution。　　Under　no　circumstances　is　the　President　to　decree　what　shall　be　done。　　But　he　is　to　do　those　things　which　the　Constitution　has　decreed　or　which　Congress　shall　decree。　　It　is　monstrous　to　suppose　that　power　over　the　privilege　of　the　writ　of　habeas　corpus　would；　among　such　a　people；　and　under　such　a　Constitution；　be　given　without　limit　to　the　chief　officer；　the　only　condition　being　that　there　should　be　some　rebellion。　　Such　rebellion　might　be　in　Utah　Territory；　or　some　trouble　in　the　uttermost　bounds　of　Texas　would　suffice。　　Any　invasion；　such　as　an　inroad　by　the　savages　of　Old　Mexico　upon　New　Mexico；　would　justify　an　arbitrary　President　in　robbing　all　the　people　of　all　the　States　of　their　liberties！　　A　squabble　on　the　borders　of　Canada　would　put　such　a　power　into　the　hands　of　the　President　for　four　years；　or　the　presence　of　an　English　frigate　in　the　St。　Juan　channel　might　be　held　to　do　so。　　I　say　that　such　a　theory　is　monstrous。　And　the　effect　of　this　breach　of　the　Constitution　at　the　present　day　has　been　very　disastrous。　　It　has　taught　those　who　have　not　been　close　observers　of　the　American　struggle　to　believe　that；　after　all；　the　Americans　are　indifferent　as　to　their　liberties。　　Such　pranks　have　been　played　before　high　heaven　by　men　utterly　unfitted　for　the　use　of　great　power；　as　have　scared　all　the　nations。　　Mr。　Lincoln；　the　President　by　whom　this　unconstitutional　act　has　been　done；　apparently　delegated　his　assumed　authority　to　his　minister；　Mr。　Seward。　　Mr。　Seward　has　reveled　in　the　privilege　of　unrestrained　arrests；　and　has　locked　men　up　with　reason　and　without。　　He　has　instituted　passports　and　surveillance；　and　placed　himself　at　the　head　of　an　omnipresent　police　system　with　all　the　gusto　of　a　Fouche；　though　luckily　without　a　Fouche's　craft　or　cunning。　　The　time　will　probably　come　when　Mr。　Seward　must　pay　for　thisnot　with　his　life　or　liberty；　but　with　his　reputation　and　political　name。　　But　in　the　mean　time　his　lettres　de　cachet　have　run　everywhere　through　the　States。　　The　pranks　which　he　played　were　absurd；　and　the　arrests　which　he　made　were　grievous。　　After　awhile；　when　it　became　manifest　that　Mr。　Seward　had　not　found　a　way　to　success；　when　it　was　seen　that　he　had　inaugurated　no　great　mode　of　putting　down　rebellion；　he　apparently　lost　his　power　in　the　cabinet。　　The　arrests　ceased；　the　passports　were　discontinued；　and　the　prison　doors　were　gradually　opened。　　Mr。　Seward　was　deposed；　not　from　the　cabinet；　but　from　the　premiership　of　the　cabinet。　　The　suspension　of　the　privilege　of　the　writ　of　habeas　corpus　was　not　countermanded；　but　the　operation　of　the　suspension　was　allowed　to　become　less　and　less　onerous；　and　now；　in　April；　1862；　within　a　year　of　the　commencement　of　the　suspension；　it　has；　I　think；　nearly　died　out。　　The　object　in　hand　now　is　rather　that　of　getting　rid　of　political　prisoners　than　of　taking　others。　This　assumption　by　the　government　of　an　unconstitutional　power　has；　as　I　have　said；　taught　many　lookers　on　to　think　that　the　Americans　are　indifferent　to　their　liberties。　　I　myself　do　not　believe　that　such　a　conclusion　would　be　just。　　During　the　present　crisis　the　strong　feeling　of　the　peoplethat　feeling　which　for　the　moment　has　been　dominanthas　been　one　in　favor　of　the　government　as　against　rebellion。　　There　has　been　a　passionate　resolution　to　support　the　nationality　of　the　nation。　　Men　have　felt　that　they　must　make　individual　sacrifices；　and　that　such　sacrifices　must　include　a　temporary　suspension　of　some　of　their　constitutional　rights。　　But　I　think　that　this　temporary　suspension　is　already　regarded　with　jealous　eyes；　with　an　increasing　jealousy　which　will　have　created　a　reaction　against　such　policy　as　that　which　Mr。　Seward　has　attemped；　long　before　the　close　of　Mr。　Lincoln's　Presidency。　　I　know　that　it　is　wrong　in　a　writer　to　commit　himself　to　prophecies；　but　I　find　it　impossible　to　write　upon　this　subject　without　doing　so。　　As　I　must　express　a　surmise　on　this　subject；　I　venture　to　prophesy　that　the　Americans　of　the　States　will　soon　show　that　they　are　not　indifferent　to　the　suspension　of　the　privilege　of　the　writ　of　habeas　corpus。　　On　that　matter　of　the　illegality　of　the　suspension　by　the　President；　I　feel　in　my　own　mind　that　there　is　no　doubt。　The　second　article　of　the　Constitution　treats　of　the　executive；　and　is　very　short。　　It　places　the　whole　executive　power　in　the　hands　of　the　President；　and　explains　with　more　detail　the　mode　in　which　the　President　shall　be　chosen　than　the　manner　after　which　the　duties　shall　be　performed。　　The　first　section　states　that　the　executive　shall　be　vested　in　a　President；　who　shall　hold　his　office　for　four　years。　　With　him　shall　be　chosen　a　Vice…President。　　I　may　here　explain　that　the　Vice…President；　as　such；　has　no　power　either　political　or　administrative。　　He　is；　ex…officio；　the　Speaker　of　the　Senate；　and　should　the　President　die；　or　be　by　other　cause　rendered　unable　to　act　as　President；　the　Vice…President　becomes　President　either　for　the　remainder　of　the　presidential　term　or　for　the　period　of　the　President's　temporary　absence。　　Twice；　since　the　Constitution　was　written；　the　President　has　died　and　the　Vice…President　has　taken　his　place。　　No　President　has　vacated　his　position；　even　for　a　period；　through　any　cause　other　than　death。　Then　come　the　rules　under　which　the　President　and　Vice…President　shall　be　electedwith　reference　to　which　there　has　been　an　amendment　of　the　Constitution　subsequent　to　the　fourth　Presidential　election。　　This　was　found　to　be　necessary　by　the　circumstances　of　the　contest　between　John　Adams；　Thomas　Jefferson；　and　Aaron　Burr。　It　was　then　found　that　the　complications　in　the　method　of　election　created　by　the　original　clause　were　all　but　unendurable；　and　the　Constitution　was　amended。　I　will　not　describe　in　detail　the　present　mode　of　election；　as　the　doing　so　would　be　tedious　and　unnecessary。　　Two　facts　I　wish；　however；　to　make　specially　noticeable　and　clear。　　The　first　is；　that　the　President　of　the　United　States　is　now　chosen　by　universal　suffrage；　and　the　second　is；　that　the　Constitution　expressly　intended　that　the　President　should　not　be　chosen　by　universal　suffrage；　but　by　a　body　of　men　who　should　enjoy　the　confidence　and　fairly　represent　the　will　of　the　people。　　The　framers　of　the　Constitution　intended　so　to　write　the　words　that　the　people　themselves　should　have　no　more　immediate　concern　in　the　nomination　of　the　President　than　in　that　of　the　Senate。　　They　intended　to　provide　that　the　election　should　be　made　in　a　manner　which　may　be　described　as　thoroughly　conservative。　　Those　words；　however；　have　been　inefficient　for　their　purpose。　　They　have　not　been　violated。　But　the　spirit　has　been　violated；　while　the　words　have　been　held　sacred；　and　the　presidential　elections　are　now　conducted　on　the　widest　principles　of　universal　suffrage。　　They　are　essentially　democratic。　The　arrangement；　as　written　in　the　Constitution；　is　that　each　State　shall　appoint　a　body　of　electors　equal　in　number　to　the　Senators　and　Representatives　sent　by　that　State　to　Congress；　and　that　thus　a　body　or　college　of　electors　shall　be　formed　equal　in　number　to　the　two　joint　Houses　of　Congress；　by　which　the　President　shall　be　elected。　No　member　of　Congress；　however；　can　be　appointed　an　elector。　　Thus　New　York；　with　thirty…three　Representatives　in　the　Lower　House；　would　name　thirty…five　electors；　and　Rhode　Island；　with　two　members　in　the　Lower　House；　would　name　four　electorsin　each　case　two　being　added　for　the　two　Senators。　It　may；　perhaps；　be　doubted　whether　this　theory　of　an　election　by　electors　has　ever　been　truly　carried　out。　　It　was　probably　the　case　even　at　the　election　of　the　first　Presidents　after　Washington；　that　the　electors　were　pledged　in　some　informal　way　as　to　the　candidate　for　whom　they　should　vote；　but　the　very　idea　of　an　election　by　electors　has　been　abandoned　since　the　Presidency　of　General　Jackson。　According　to　the　theory　of　the　Constitution；　the　privilege　and　the　duty　of　selecting　a　best　man　as　President　was　to　be　delegated　to　certain　best　men　chosen　for　that　purpose。　　This　was　the　intention　of　those　who　framed　the　Constitution。　　It　may；　as　I　have　said；　be　doubted　whether　this　theory　has　ever　availed　for　action；　but　since　the　days　of　Jackson　it　has　been　absolutely　abandoned。　　The　intention　was　sufficiently　conservative。　　The　electors　to　whom　was　to　be　confided　this　great　trust；　were　to　be　chosen　in　their　own　States　as　each　State　might　think　fit。　　The　use　of　universal　suffrage　for　this　purpose　was　neither　enjoined　nor　forbidden　in　the　separate　States　was　neither　treated　as　desirable　or　undesirable　by　the　Constitution。　Each　State　was　left　to　judge　how　it　would　elect　its　own　electors。　But　the　President　himself　was　to　be　chosen　by　those　electors　and　not　by　the　people　at　large。　　The　intention　is　sufficiently　conservative；　but　the　intention　is　not　carried　out。　The　electors　are　still　chosen　by　the　different　States　in　conformity　with　the　bidding　of　the　Constitution。　　The　Constitution　is　exactly　followed　in　all　its　biddings；　as　far　as　the　wording　of　it　is　concerned；　but　the　whole　spirit　of　the　document　has　been　evaded　in　the　favor　of　democracy；　and　universal　suffrage　in　the　presidential　elections　has　been　adopted。　　The　electors　are　still　chosen；　i