theodore roosevelt-第36节

按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！


。　Individuals　and　private　companies　had　bought　for　a　song　great　tracts　of　national　property；　getting　thereby；　it　might　be；　the　title　to　mineral　deposits　worth　fabulous　sums；　and　these　persons　were　naturally　angry　at　being　deprived　of　the　immense　fortunes　which　they　had　counted　on　for　themselves。　A　company　would　buy　up　an　entire　watershed；　and　control；　for　its　private　profit；　the　water…supply　of　a　region。　Roosevelt　insisted　with　indisputable　logic　that　the　States　and　Counties　ought　them　selves　to　own　such　natural　resources　and　derive　an　income　from　them。　So；　too；　were　the　areas　restored　to　man's　habitation；　and　to　agriculture；　by　irrigation；　and　by　reforesting。　A　company；　having　no　object　but　its　own　enrichment；　would　ruthlessly　cut　down　a　thousand　square　miles　of　timber　in　order　to　convert　it　into　wood　pulp　for　paper；　or　into　lumber　for　building；　and　the　region　thus　devastated；　as　if　a　German　army　had　been　over　it；　would　be　left　without　regard　to　the　effect　on　the　climate　and　the　water　supply　of　the　surrounding　country。　Surely　this　was　wrong。

It　seems　to　me　as　needless　now　to　argue　in　behalf　of　Roosevelt's　legislation　for　the　conservation　of　national　resources　as　to　argue　against　cannibalism　as　a　practice　fit　for　civilized　men。　That　lawyers　of　repute　and　Congressmen　of　reputation　should　have　done　their　utmost；　as　late　as　1906；　to　obstruct　and　defeat　the　passage　of　the　Meat　Inspection　Bill　must　seem　incredible　to　persons　of　average　sanity　and　conscience。　If　any　of　those　obstructionists　still　live；　they　do　not　boast　of　their　performance；　nor　is　it　likely　that　their　children　will　exult　over　this　part　of　the　paternal　record。

In　order　not　to　exaggerate　Roosevelt's　importance　in　these　fundamental　reforms；　I　would　repeat　that　he　did　not　originate　the　idea　of　many　of　them。　He　gladly　took　his　cue　for　conservation　from　Gifford　Pinchot；　and　for　reclamation　from　F。　H。　Newell；　as　I　have　said；　the　need　of　inspecting　the　packing…houses　which　exported　meat；　from　Senator　A。　J。　Beveridge；　and　so　on。　The　vital　fact　is　that　these　projects　got　form　and　vigor　and　publicity；　and　were　pushed　through　Congress；　only　after　Roosevelt　took　them　up。　His　opponents；　the　packers；　the　land…robbers；　the　mine…grabbers；　the　wood…pulp　pirates；　fought　him　at　every　point。　They　appealed　to　the　old　law　to　discredit　and　damn　the　new。　They　gave　him　no　quarter；　and　he　asked　for　none　because　he　was　bent　on　securing　justice；　irrespective　of　persons　or　private　interests。　It　followed；　of　course；　that　they　watched　eagerly　for　any　slip　which　might　wreck　him；　and　they　thought　they　had　found　their　chance　in　1907。

That　was　a　year　of　financial　upheaval；　almost　of　panic；　the　blame　for　which　the　Big　Interests　tried　to　fasten　on　the　President。　It　resulted；　they　said；　from　his　attack　on　Capital　and　the　Corporations。　A　special　incident　gave　plausibility　to　some　of　their　bitter　criticism。　Messrs。　Gary　and　Frick；　of　the　United　States　Steel　Corporation；　called　on　the　President；　and　told　him　that　the　Tennessee　Coal　and　Iron　Company　was　on　the　verge　of　bankruptcy；　and　that；　if　it　went　under；　a　general　panic　would　probably　ensue。　To　prevent　this　financial　disaster；　their　Corporation　was　willing　to　buy　up　enough　of　the　Tennessee　Company　to　save　it；　but　they　wished　to　know　whether　the　President　would　allow　the　purchase。　He　told　them　that　he　could　not　officially　advise　them　to　take　the　action　proposed；　but　that　he　did　not　regard　it　as　a　public　duty　of　his　to　raise　any　objection。　They　made　the　purchase；　and　the　total　amount　of　their　holdings　in　the　Tennessee　Company　did　not　equal　in　value　what　they　had　originally　held；　for　the　stock　had　greatly　shrunk。　The　Attorney…General　subsequently　informed　the　President　that　he　saw　no　reason　to　prosecute　the　United　States　Steel　Corporation。　But　the　President's　enemies　did　not　spare　their　criticism。　They　circulated　grave　suspicions；　they　hinted　that；　if　the　whole　truth　were　known；　Roosevelt　would　be　embarrassed；　to　say　the　least。　What　had　become　of　his　pretended　impartiality　when　he　allowed　one　of　the　great　Trusts　to　do；　with　impunity；　that　which　others　were　prosecuted　for？　The　public；　which　seldom　has　the　knowledge；　or　the　information；　necessary　for　understanding　business　or　financial　complexities；　usually　remarks；　with　the　archaic　sapience　of　a　Greek　chorus；　〃There　must　be　some　fire　where　there　is　so　much　smoke。〃　But　the　public　interest　was　never　seriously　roused　over　the　Tennessee　Coal　and　Iron　affair；　and；　six　years　later；　when　a　United　States　District　Court　handed　down　a　verdict　in　which　this　matter　was　referred　to；　the　public　had　almost　forgotten　what　it　was　all　about。

The　great　result　from　Roosevelt's　battle　for　conservation；　which　I　believe　will　glorify　him；　in　the　future；　to　heroic　proportions　as　a　statesman；　is　that　where　he　found　wide　stretches　of　desert　he　left　fertile　States；　that　he　saved　from　destruction；　that　he　seized　from　the　hands　of　the　spoilers　rivers　and　valleys　which　belonged　to　the　people；　and　that　he　kept　for　the　people　mineral　lands　of　untold　value。　Nor　did　he　work　for　material　and　sanitary　prosperity　alone；　but　he　worked　also　for　Beauty。　He　reserved　as　National　Parks　for　the　use　and　delight　of　men　and　women　forever　some　of　the　most　beautiful　regions　in　the　United　States；　and　the　support　he　gave　to　these　causes　urged　them　forward　after　he　ceased　to　be　President。



CHAPTER　XVI。　THE　SQUARE　DEAL　IN　ACTION

Having　seen　briefly　how　President　Roosevelt　dealt　with　Capital；　let　us　look　even　more　briefly　at　his　dealings　with　Labor。　I　think　that　he　took　the　deepest　personal　satisfaction　in　fighting　the　criminal　rich　and　the　soulless　corporations；　because　he　regarded　them　not　only　as　lawbreakers；　malefactors　of　great　wealth；　but　as　despicably　mean；　in　that　they　used　their　power　to　oppress　the　poor　and　helpless　classes。　The　Labor　groups　when　they　burst　out　into　violence　merely　responded　to　the　passion　which　men　naturally　feel　at　injustice　and　at　suffering；　to　their　violence　they　did　not　add　slyness　or　legal　deceits。　But　Roosevelt　had　no　toleration　for　the　Labor　demagogue；　for　the　walking　delegate；　and　all　similar　parasites；　who　preyed　upon　the　working　classes　for　their　own　profit；　and　fomented　the　irritation　of　Labor　and　Capital。

Stronger；　however；　than　his　sympathy　for　any　individual；　and　especially　for　those　who　suffered　without　redress；　was　his　love　of　justice。　This　he　put　in　a　phrase　which　he　invented　and　made　current；　a　phrase　which　everybody　could　understand：　〃the　labor　unions　shall　have　a　square　deal；　and　the　corporations　shall　have　a　square　deal。〃　At　another　time　he　expressed　the　same　idea；　by　saying　that　the　rich　man　should　have　justice；　and　that　the　poor　man　should　have　justice；　and　that　no　man　should　have　more　or　less。

Time　soon　brought　a　test　for　his　devotion　to　social　justice。　In　the　summer　of　1902　the　coal…miners　of　Pennsylvania　stopped　working。　Early　in　September　the　public　awoke　with　a　start　to　the　realization　that　a　coal　famine　threatened　the　country。　In　the　Eastern　States；　in　New　York；　and　Pennsylvania；　and　in　some　of　the　Middle　Western　States；　a　calamity　threatened；　which　would　be　quite　as　terrible　as　the　invasion　of　an　enemy's　army。　For　not　only　would　lack　of　fuel　cause　incalculable　hardship　and　distress　from　cold；　but　it　would　stop　transportation；　and　all　manufacturing　by　machinery　run　by　coal。　The　mine　operators　and　the　miners　were　at　a　deadlock。　The　President　invited　the　leaders　on　both　sides　to　confer　with　him　at　the　White　House。　They　came　and　found　him　stretched　out　on　an　invalid's　chair；　with　one　of　his　legs　much　bandaged；　from　an　accident　he　had　received　in　a　collision　at　Pittsfield　a　few　weeks　before；　but　his　mental　vigor　was　unsubdued。　John　Mitchell　spoke　for　the　miners。　The　President　urged　the　quarrelers　to　come　to　terms。　But　the　big　coal　operators　would　not　yield。　They　knew　that　the　distress　among　the　mining　population　was　great；　and　they　believed　that　if　the　authorities　would　only　maintain　peace；　the　miners　would　soon　be　forced　to　give　in。　So　the　meeting　broke　up　and　the　〃coal　barons；〃　as　the　newspapers　dubbed　the　operators；　quitted　with　evident　satisfaction。　They　felt　that　they　had　not　only　repelled　the　miners　again；　but　virtually　put　down　the　President　for　interfering　in　a　matter　in　which　he　had　no　legal　jurisdiction。

And；　in　truth；　the　laws　gave　the　President　of　the　United　States　no　authority　to　play　the　role　of　arbiter　in　a　strike。　His　plain　duty　was　to　keep　the　peace。　If　a　strike　resulted　in　violent　disorders　he　could　send　United　States　troops　to　quell　them；　but　only　in　case　the　Governor　of　the　State　in　which　the　riots　occurred　declared　himself　unable；　by　the　State　force　at　his　command；　to　keep　the　peace；　and　requested　assistance　from　the　President。　In　the　coal　strike　the　Governor　of　Pennsylvania；　for　reasons　which　I　need　not　discuss　here；　refused　to　call　for　United　States　troops；　and　so　did　the　Pennsylvania　Legislature。　Roosevelt　acted　as　a　patriotic　citizen　might　act；　but　being　the　President；　his　interference　had　immensely　greater　weight　than　that　of　any　private　citizen　could　have。　He　knew　the　law　in　the　matter；　but　he　believed　that　the　popular　opinion　of　the　American　people　would　back　him　up。

In　spite　of　the　first　rebuff；　therefore；　he　persuaded　the　miners　and　the　operators　to　agree　to