the life of stephen a. douglas-第4节

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The　Senate；　during　the　early　years　of　his　service；　was　in　its　intellectual　gifts　altogether　the　most　extraordinary　body　ever　assembled　in　the　United　States。　　Rarely；　if　ever；　in　the　history　of　the　world；　have　so　many　men　of　remarkable　endowment；　high　training　and　masterful　energy　been　gathered　in　a　single　assembly。　　It　was　the　period　when　the　generation　of　Webster；　Clay　and　Calhoun　overlapped　that　of　Seward；　Chase　and　Sumner；　when　the　men　who　had　set　at　the　feet　of　the　Revolutionary　Fathers　and　had　striven　to　settle　the　interpretation　of　the　Constitution　met　the　men　who　were　destined　to　guide　the　Nation　through　the　Civil　War　and　settle　the　perplexing　questions　arising　from　it。

Webster　was　now　an　old　man；　his　face　deep　lined　with　care；　disappointment　and　dissipation。　　Though　sixty…eight　years　old　and　the　greatest　orator　of　the　century；　his　heart　was　still　consumed　with　unquenchable　thirst　of　the　honor　of　succeeding　John　Tyler　and　James　K。　Polk。　　Calhoun；　now　sixty…five　years　old；　a　ghastly　physical　wreck；　still　represented　South　Carolina　and　dismally　speculated　on　the　prospect　of　surviving　the　outgrown　Union。　　Cass；　equal　in　years　with　Calhoun；　still　held　his　seat　in　the　Senate　and　cherished　the　delusive　hope　of　yet　reaching　the　Presidency。　　Benton　was　closing　his　fifth　and　last　term　in　the　Senate；　and　Clay；　the　knightly　leader　of　the　trimming　Whigs；　though　now　in　temporary　retirement；　was　soon　to　return　and　resume　his　old　leadership。

Within　the　first　four　years　of　Douglas'　service；　Salmon　P。　Chase；　William　H。　Seward　and　Charles　Sumner　made　their　appearance　in　the　Senate。　　A　new　generation　of　giants　seemed　providentially　supplied　as　the　old　neared　the　end　of　their　service。　　Douglas；　though　serving　with　both　these　groups　of　statesmen；　belonged　to　neither。　　Running　his　career　side　by　side　with　the　later　school　of　political　leaders　and　sharing　in　the　great　struggles　on　which　their　fame；　in　large　part；　rests；　his　character　and　ideals　were　those　of　the　older　generation。

The　questions　confronting　Congress　were　of　transcendent　interest　and　incalculable　importance。　　A　sudden　and　astounding　expansion　had　occurred；　calling　for　the　highest；　wisest　and　most　disinterested　statesmanship　in　providing　governments　for　the　newly　acquired　domain。　　A　million　and　a　half　miles　of　new　territory；　extending　through　sixteen　degrees　of　latitude；　was　now　to　be　organized；　the　future　destiny　of　this　vast　territory；　and　indirectly　that　of　free　institutions　generally；　was　supposed　to　depend　on　the　decision　of　Congress。　　Above　all；　the　fate　of　the　American　apple　of　discord；　human　slavery；　was　understood　to　be　involved　in　the　construction　of　territorial　and　State　governments　for　these　new　possessions。　　It　was　deemed　by　the　South　indispensable　to　the　safety　and　permanence　of　slavery　to　plant　it　in　them。

For　that　half…disguised　purpose　they　had　been　acquired　at　great　expense　of　blood　and　money。　　New　States；　it　was　hoped；　might　now　be　created　south　of　the　line　below　which　slavery　flourished；　balancing　those　to　be　admitted　from　the　growing　Northwest。　　Thus　far　the　adventurous　West　had　powerfully　supported　the　South　in　its　schemes　of　conquest；　but　had　no　sympathy　with　slavery。　　The　old　North；　thought　ready　to　submit　to　its　continued　existence　in　the　States　where　already　established；　was　implacably　hostile　to　its　further　spread。

It　was　not　a　question　of　ethics　or　of　sober　statesmanship；　but　one　of　practical　politics；　that　divided　the　North　and　the　South　at　this　period。　　Each　hoped　to　secure　for　itself　the　alliance　and　sympathy　of　the　new　States　thereafter　admitted。　　Each　applied　itself　to　the　task　of　shaping　the　Territories　and　moulding　the　future　States　to　serve　its　ulterior　views。

When　Congress　attempted　to　organize　territorial　governments；　the　people　of　the　North　insisted　on　the　exclusion　of　slavery　from　Oregon　and　the　territory　acquired　from　Mexico。　　The　people　of　the　South　made　no　resistance　to　its　exclusion　from　Oregon。　　It　was　already　excluded　by　〃the　ordinance　of　Nature　or　the　will　of　God。〃　But　that　the　vast　territory　torn　from　Mexico；　acquired　by　the　common　blood　and　treasure；　should　now　be　closed　to　their　institution；　was　intolerable。　　To　secure　it　they　had　sinned　deep。　　After　the　conquest　their　position　was　peculiarly　awkward。　　The　laws　of　Mexico　excluding　slavery　continued　in　force。　　Hence　in　all　this　territory　slavery　was　as　effectually　prohibited　as　in　Massachusetts　until　Congress　could　accomplish　the　odious　work　of　introducing　it　by　express　enactment。　　Calhoun　strenuously　argued　the　novel　proposition　that；　on　the　overthrow　of　the　authority　of　the　Mexican　government　by　American　arms；　the　laws　and　constitution　of　Mexico　were　extinguished　and　those　of　the　United　States；　so　far　as　applicable；　occupied　the　vacant　field；　that　the　Federal　Constitution　carried　slavery　with　it　wherever　it　went；　except　where　by　the　laws　of　a　sovereign　State　it　was　excluded。

He　announced　the　proposition　afterwards　established　by　the　Supreme　Court；　that；　as　the　Constitution　proprio　vigore　carried　slavery　into　all　the　Territories；　neither　the　territorial　legislatures　nor　Congress　itself　had　power　to　interfere　with　the　right　of　holding　slaves　within　them。

Webster　conclusively　answered　this　refined　sophistry；　pointing　out　that　slavery　was　merely　a　municipal　institution；　in　derogation　of　the　common　right　of　mankind；　against　the　native　instincts　of　humanity；　dependent　wholly　for　its　right　of　existence　upon　local　legislation；　and　that　the　real　demand　of　the　people　of　the　South　was　not　to　carry　their　slaves　into　the　new　Territories；　but　to　carry　with　them　the　slave　codes　of　their　several　States。

While　the　venerable　leaders　who　had　ruled　Congress　and　swayed　public　opinion　for　thirty　years　were　uttering　philosophic　disquisitions　on　constitutional　law　or　the　ethics　of　slavery；　Douglas　had　with　practical　sagacity　offered　an　amendment　to　the　Oregon　bill；　extending　the　line　of　the　Missouri　Compromise　to　the　Pacific。　　This　would　not　decide　the　great　moral　question　between　those　who　believed　slavery　an　unmixed　good　and　those　who　believed　it　the　sum　of　all　villainies。　But　he　thought　that　moral　ideas　had　no　place　in　politics。　　It　would　not　decide　the　great　question　of　constitutional　law　between　those　who；　like　Calhoun；　believed　slavery　the　creature　of　the　Federal　Constitution；　and　those；　who；　like　Webster；　believed　it　the　creature　of　local　municipal　law。　　But　it　promised　a　temporary　respite　to　the　vexed　question。　　He　had　already；　in　the　House；　advocated　the　extension　of　this　line　through　the　Western　Territories。　　He　believed　that　adhesion　to　this　venerable　Compromise；　now　as　sacred　as　the　Constitution　itself；　was　the　hope　of　the　future　and　succeeded　in　persuading　the　Senate　to　adopt　his　amendment　as　the　final　solution　of　the　vexed　problem。　　It　was　rejected　in　the　House　and　the　question　indefinitely　postponed。

In　the　Territories；　meanwhile；　events　moved　fast。　　While　Congress　had　been　wrangling　over　the　new　possessions；　gold　was　discovered　in　California。　　A　tumultuous　rush　of　people；　unparalleled　since　the　Crusades；　at　once　began　by　all　routes　from　every　region　to　the　new　El　Dorado。　　More　than　80；000　settlers　arrived　in　1849。　　A　spontaneous　movement　of　the　people　resulted　in　a　Constitutional　Convention；　which　met　at　Monterey　on　September　3d　of　that　year；　and　adopted　a　Constitution　which　forever　prohibited　slavery。　　It　was　submitted　to　a　vote　and　adopted　in　November。

Congress　met　on　December　3d　and　resumed　the　Sisyphean　labors　of　the　last　session。　　Douglas　was　chairman　of　the　Committee　on　Territories；　to　which　were　referred　all　measures　affecting　the　recent　acquisitionsaltogether　the　most　momentous　of　the　sessionwhich　stirred　the　deepest　passions　of　Congress　and　held　the　keenest　attention　of　the　people。　　In　the　early　days　of　December　he　submitted　to　his　Committee　two　bills。　　One　provided　for　the　immediate　admission　of　California；　the　other　for　the　establishment　of　governments　for　Utah　and　New　Mexico　and　the　adjustment　of　the　Texas　boundary。　　On　March　25th　they　were　reported　to　the　Senate。　　Meanwhile　Taylor；　in　a　special　message；　had　recommended　the　immediate　admission　of　California。　　Senator　Mason　had　introduced　a　bill　providing　more　effective　means　for　the　summary　return　of　fugitive　slaves；　in　effect　converting　the　population　of　the　free　States　into　a　posse　comitatus　charged　with　the　duty　of　hunting　down　the　fugitive　sand　returning　him　to　bondage。　　The　clash　of　arms　had　begun。　　Both　sides　were　passionately　in　earnest　and　resolved　to　encounter　the　utmost　extremity　rather　than　yield。　　The　Democrats　had　a　small　majority　in　the　Senate；　while　in　the　House　neither　party　had　a　majority。

The　Free　Soilers　held　the　balance　of　power；　but　by　a　refusal　to　cooperate　with　the　conservative　opponents　of　slavery　extension　left　the　control　of　the　House　in　the　hands　of　the　Democrats。　　The　chief　business　of　the　early　weeks　of　the　session　was　the　delivery　of　defiant　speeches　and　the　presentation　of　resolutions　defining　the　opinions　of　various　segments　of　distracted　parties　and　revealing　the　chasm　that　was　opening　between　the　friends　and　opponents　of　slavery。

On　the　21st　of　January　the　rival　Whig　chiefs　of　the　Senate　held　a　confidential　conference。　　Clay　submitted　a　plan　of　compromise　covering