the life of stephen a. douglas-第27节

按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！



〃The　Nebraska　bill　contains　this　clause：　　'It　being　the　true　intent　and　meaning　of　this　bill　not　to　legislate　slavery　into　any　Territory　or　STATE。'　　I　have　always　been　puzzled　to　know　what　business　the　word　State　had　in　that　connection。　　Judge　Douglas　knows。　　He　put　it　there。　　*　*　*　What　was　it　placed　there　for？　　After　seeing　the　Dred　Scott　decision；　which　holds　that　the　people　cannot　exclude　slavery　from　a　Territory；　if　another　Dred　Scott　decision　shall　come　holding　that　they　cannot　exclude　it　from　a　State；　we　shall　discover　that　when　the　word　was　originally　put　there　it　was　in　view　of　something　that　was　to　come　in　due　time；　we　shall　see　that　it　was　the　other　half　of　something。

〃I　ask　the　attention　of　the　people　here　assembled　to　the　course　that　Judge　Douglas　is　pursuing　every　day　as　bearing　upon　this　question　of　making　slavery　national。　　In　the　first　place　what　is　necessary　to　make　slavery　national？　　Not　war。　　There　is　no　danger　that　the　people　of　Kentucky　will　shoulder　their　muskets；　and；　with　a　young　nigger　stuck　on　every　bayonet；　march　into　Illinois　and　force　them　upon　us。　　There　is　no　danger　of　our　going　over　there　and　making　war　upon　them。　　Then　what　is　necessary　for　the　nationalization　of　slavery？　　It　is　simply　the　next　Dred　Scott　decision。　　It　is　merely　for　the　Supreme　Court　to　decide　that　no　State　under　the　Constitution　can　exclude　it；　just　as　they　have　already　decided　that　Congress　nor　the　territorial　legislature　can　do　it。　　When　that　is　decided　and　acquiesced　in　the　whole　thing　is　done。　　*　*　*　Let　us　consider　what　Judge　Douglas　is　doing　every　day　to　that　end。　　What　influence　is　he　exerting　on　public　sentiment？　　With　public　sentiment　nothing　can　fail；　without　it　nothing　can　succeed。　　Consequently；　he　who　moulds　public　sentiment　goes　deeper　than　he　who　enacts　statutes　or　pronounces　decisions。　　He　makes　statutes　possible　or　impossible　to　be　executed。　　*　*　*

〃Judge　Douglas　is　a　man　of　vast　influence。　　Consider　the　attitude　he　occupies　at　the　head　of　a　large　party。　　This　man　sticks　to　a　decision　which　forbids　the　people　of　a　Territory　from　excluding　slavery；　and　he　does　so　not　because　it　is　right　in　itself；　but　because　it　has　been　decided　by　the　Court；　and；　being　decided　by　the　Court；　he　is；　and　you　are；　bound　to　take　it　in　your　political　action　as　law。　　*　*　*　You　will　bear　in　mind　that　thus　committing　himself　unreservedly　to　this　decision　commits　him　to　the　next　one　just　as　firmly　as　to　this。　　The　next　decision；　as　much　as　this；　will　be　a　'Thus　saith　the　Lord。'　　It　is　nothing　that　I　point　out　to　him　that　his　great　prototype；　General　Jackson；　did　not　believe　in　the　binding　force　of　decisions。　　It　is　nothing　to　him　that　Jefferson　did　not　so　believe。　　He　claims　now　to　stand　on　the　Cincinnati　platform　which　affirms　that　Congress　cannot　charter　a　national　bank；　in　the　teeth　of　that　old　standing　decision　that　Congress　can　charter　a　bank。　　And　I　remind　him　of　another　piece　of　history　on　the　question　of　respect　for　judicial　decisions　belonging　to　a　time　when　the　large　party　to　which　Judge　Douglas　belongs　were　displeased　with　a　decision　of　the　Supreme　Court　of　Illinois；　because　they　had　decided　that　a　Governor　could　not　remove　a　Secretary　of　State。　　I　know　that　he　will　not　deny　that　he　was　then　in　favor　of　overslaughing　that　decision　by　the　mode　of　adding　five　new　Judges；　so　as　to　vote　down　the　four　older　ones。　　Not　only　so；　but　it　ended　in　the　Judge's　sitting　down　on　that　very　bench　as　one　of　the　five　new　Judges　to　break　down　the　four　old　ones。

〃Now；　when　the　Judge　tells　me　that　men　appointed　conditionally　to　sit　as　members　of　a　Court　will　have　to　catechized　beforehand　upon　some　subject；　I　say；　'You　know；　Judge；　you　have　tried　it。'　　When　he　says　a　Court　of　this　kind　will　lose　the　confidence　of　all　men；　will　be　prostituted　and　disgraced　by　such　a　proceeding；　I　say；　'You　know　best；　Judge；　you　have　been　through　the　mill。'　　But　I　cannot　shake　Judge　Douglas'　teeth　loose　from　the　Dred　Scott　decision。　　Like　some　obstinate　animal　that　will　hang　on；　when　he　has　once　got　his　teeth　fixed；　you　may　cut　off　a　leg；　or　you　may　tear　away　an　arm；　still　he　will　not　relax　his　hold。　　He　hangs　to　the　last　to　the　Dred　Scott　decision。　　These　things　show　there　is　a　purpose　strong　as　death　and　eternity　for　which　he　adheres　to　this　decision　and　for　which　he　will　adhere　to　all　other　decisions　of　the　same　Court。　　*　*　*　When　he　invites　any　people　willing　to　have　slavery　to　establish　it；　he　is　blowing　out　the　moral　lights　around　us。　　When　he　says　he　cares　not　whether　slavery　is　voted　down　or　voted　upthat　is　the　sacred　right　of　self…governmenthe　is；　in　my　judgement；　penetrating　the　human　soul　and　eradicating　the　light　of　reason　and　the　love　of　liberty。　　*　*　*

〃And　now　I　will　only　say　that　when；　by　all　these　means　and　appliances；　he　shall　succeed　in　bringing　public　sentiment　to　an　exact　accordance　with　his　own；　when　these　vast　assemblages　shall　echo　back　all　these　sentiments；　when　they　shall　come　to　repeat　his　views　and　to　avow　his　principles　and　to　say　all　that　he　says　on　these　mighty　questions；　then　it　needs　only　the　formality　of　a　second　Dred　Scott　decision；　which　he　endorses　in　advance；　to　make　slavery　alike　lawful　in　all　the　States；　old　as　well　as　new；　North　as　well　as　South。〃

Douglas；　in　his　brief　reply；　reminded　the　audience　that　Lincoln　had　not　frankly　answered　the　question　put　in　his　opening　speech；　whether　he　approved　of　each　article　of　the　Republican　resolutions　adopted　in　Springfield　in　October；　1854。　　Lincoln's　only　answer　had　been　that　he　was　not　present　and　had　nothing　to　do　with　drafting　the　resolutions。　　〃But　this　denial　is　a　miserable　quibble　to　avoid　the　main　issue；　which　is　that　this　Republican　platform　declares　in　favor　of　the　unconditional　repeal　of　the　Fugitive　Slave　Law。　　His　reply　to　all　these　questions　is　'I　was　not　on　the　Committee　at　the　time；　I　was　up　in　Tazewell　County　trying　a　case。'　　I　put　to　him　the　question　whether；　if　the　people　of　the　Territory；　when　they　had　sufficient　population　to　make　a　State；　should　form　their　Constitution　recognizing　slavery；　he　would　vote　for　or　against　its　admission？　He　is　a　candidate　for　the　United　States　Senate　and　it　is　possible　that；　if　he　should　be　elected；　he　would　have　to　vote　directly　on　that　question。　　He　dodges　it　also　under　the　cover　that　he　was　not　on　the　Committee。　　*　*　*　He　knows　I　will　trot　him　down　to　Egypt。　I　intend　to　make　him　answer　there。　　*　*　*　The　Convention　to　which　I　have　been　alluding　pledges　itself　to　exclude　slavery　from　all　the　Territories。　　*　*　*　I　want　to　know　whether　he　approves　that　provision。　*　*　*　I　want　to　know　whether　he　will　resist　the　acquirement　of　any　more　territory；　unless　slavery　therein　shall　be　prohibited。　　These　are　practical　questions；　based　upon　the　fundamental　principles　of　the　black　Republican　party；　and　I　want　to　know　whether　he　is　the　first；　last　and　only　choice　of　a　party　with　whom　he　does　not　agree　in　principle。

〃He　does　not　deny　but　that　that　principle　was　unanimously　adopted　by　the　Republican　party；　and　now　I　want　to　know　whether　that　party　is　unanimously　in　favor　of　a　man　who　does　not　adopt　that　creed　and　agree　with　them　in　their　principles；　I　want　to　know　whether　the　man　who　does　not　agree　with　them　and　who　is　afraid　to　avow　his　differences　is　the　first；　last　and　only　choice　of　the　party。　　*　*　*　The　party　stands　pledged　that　they　will　never　support　Lincoln　until　he　has　pledged　himself　to　that　platform；　but　he　cannot　devise　his　answer。　　He　has　not　made　up　his　mind　whether　he　will　or　not。　*　*　*　I　have　not　brought　a　charge　of　moral　turpitude　against　him。　　When　he　brings　one　against　me；　instead　of　disproving　it　I　will　say　that　it　is　a　lie　and　let　him　prove　it　if　he　can。　*　*　*

〃Mr。　Lincoln　has　not　character　enough　for　integrity　and　truth　merely　on　his　own　ipse　dixit　to　arraign　President　Buchanan；　President　Pierce　and　nine　Judges　of　the　Supreme　Court；　not　one　of　whom　would　be　complimented　by　being　put　on　an　equality　with　him。　　There　is　an　unpardonable　presumption　in　any　man　putting　himself　up　before　thousands　of　people　and　pretending　that　his　ipse　dixit；　without　proof；　without　fact　and　without　truth；　is　enough　to　bring　down　and　destroy　the　purest　and　best　of　living　men。　　*　*　*　The　word　'State'　as　well　as　'Territory'　was　put　into　the　Nebraska　bill　to　knock　in　the　head　this　Abolition　doctrine　that　there　will　be　no　more　slave　States　even　if　the　people　want　them。　　*　*　*　The　people　of　Missouri　formed　a　Constitution　as　a　slave　State　and　asked　admission　into　the　Union；　but　the　Free　Soil　party　of　the　North；　being　in　a　majority；　refused　to　admit　her　because　she　had　slavery　as　one　of　her　institutions。　　Hence；　the　first　slavery　agitation　arouse　upon　a　State　and　not　upon　a　Territory。　　*　*　*　The　whole　Abolition　agitation　arose　on　that　doctrine　of　prohibiting　a　State　from　coming　in　with　slavery　or　not　as　it　pleased；　and　that　same　doctrine　is　here　in　this　Republican　platform　of　1854。〃

The　peculiar　difficult　of　meeting　Douglas　in　argument　before　a　popular　audience　is　here　exhibited　in　its　most　perfect　form。　　The　persuasive　force　of　his　last　proposition　lay　in　a　most　ingenious　play　on　the　words　〃State〃　and　〃Territory。〃　　Although　the　people　of　Missouri　had　formed　a　State　Constitution；　they　did　not　become　a　State　until　Congress　approved　it　and　formally　a