the civilization of the renaissance in italy-第86节

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　than　are　vague　declarations　　against　modern　paganism。　And　closer　investigation　often　reveals　to　us　　that　underneath　this　outward　shell　much　genuine　religion　could　still　　survive。

The　fuller　discussion　of　these　points　must　be　limited　to　a　few　of　the　　more　essential　explanations。

That　religion　should　again　become　an　affair　of　the　individual　and　of　　his　own　personal　feeling　was　inevitable　when　the　Church　became　corrupt　　in　doctrine　and　tyrannous　in　practice；　and　is　a　proof　that　the　European　　mind　was　still　alive。　It　is　true　that　this　showed　itself　in　many　　different　ways。　While　the　mystical　and　ascetical　sects　of　the　North　　lost　no　time　in　creating　new　outward　forms　for　their　new　modes　of　　thought　and　feeling；　each　individual　in　Italy　went　his　own　way；　and　　thousands　wandered　on　the　sea　of　life　without　any　religious　guidance　　whatever。　All　the　more　must　we　admire　those　who　attained　and　held　fast　　to　a　personal　religion。　They　were　not　to　blame　for　being　unable　to　have　　any　part　or　lot　in　the　old　Church；　as　she　then　was；　nor　would　it　be　　reasonable　to　expect　that　they　should　all　of　them　go　through　that　　mighty　spiritual　labor　which　was　appointed　to　the　German　reformers。　The　　form　and　aim　of　this　personal　faith；　as　it　showed　itself　in　the　better　　minds；　will　bc　set　forth　at　the　close　of　our　work。

The　worldliness；　through　which　the　Renaissance　seems　to　offer　so　　striking　a　contrast　to　the　Middle　Ages；　owed　its　first　origin　to　the　　flood　of　new　thoughts；　purposes；　and　views；　which　transformed　the　　mediaeval　conception　of　nature　and　man。　The　spirit　is　not　in　itself　　more　hostile　to　religion　than　that　'culture'　which　now　holds　its　place；　　but　which　can　give　us　only　a　feeble　notion　of　the　universal　ferment　　which　the　discovery　of　a　new　world　of　greatness　then　called　forth。　This　　worldliness　was　not　frivolous；　but　earnest；　and　was　ennobled　by　art　and　　poetry。　It　is　a　lofty　necessity　of　the　modern　spirit　that　this　　attitude；　once　gained；　can　never　again　be　lost；　that　an　irresistible　　impulse　forces　us　to　the　investigation　of　men　and　things；　and　that　we　　must　hold　this　inquiry　to　be　our　proper　end　and　work。　How　soon　and　by　　what　paths　this　search　will　lead　us　back　to　God；　and　in　what　ways　the　　religious　temper　of　the　individual　will　be　affected　by　it；　are　　questions　which　cannot　be　met　by　any　general　answer。　The　Middle　Ages；　　which　spared　themselves　the　trouble　of　induction　and　free　inquiry；　can　　have　no　right　to　impose　upon　us　their　dogmatical　verdict　in　a　matter　of　　such　vast　importance。

To　the　study　of　man；　among　many　other　causes；　was　due　the　tolerance　and　　indifference　with　which　the　Mohammedan　religion　was　regarded。　The　　knowledge　and　admiration　of　the　remarkable　civilization　which　Islam；　　particularly　before　the　Mongol　inundation；　had　attained；　was　peculiar　　to　Italy　from　the　time　of　the　Crusades。　This　sympathy　was　fostered　by　　the　half…Mohammedan　government　of　some　Italian　princes；　by　dislike　and　　even　contempt　for　the　existing　Church；　and　by　constant　commercial　　intercourse　with　the　harbors　of　the　Eastern　and　Southern　Mediterranean。　　It　can　be　shown　that　in　the　thirteenth　century　the　Italians　recognized　　a　Mohammedan　ideal　of　nobleness；　dignity；　and　pride；　which　they　loved　　to　connect　with　the　person　of　a　Sultan。　A　Mameluke　Sultan　is　commonly　　meant；　if　any　name　is　mentioned；　it　is　the　name　of　Saladin。　Even　the　　Osmanli　Turks；　whose　destructive　tendencies　were　no　secret；　gave　the　　Italians　only　half　a　fright；　and　a　peaceable　accord　with　them　was　　looked　upon　as　no　impossibility。

The　truest　and　most　characteristic　expression　of　this　religious　　indifference　is　the　famous　story　of　the　Three　Rings；　which　Lessing　has　　put　into　the　mouth　of　his　Nathan；　after　it　had　been　already　told　　centuries　earlier；　though　with　some　reserve；　in　the　'Hundred　Old　　Novels'　（nov。　12　or　73）；　and　more　boldly　in　Boccaccio　（Decamerone；　i；　　nov。　3）。　In　what　language　and　in　what　corner　of　the　Mediterranean　it　　was　first　told　can　never　be　known；　most　likely　the　original　was　much　　more　plain…spoken　than　the　two　Italian　adaptations。　The　religious　　postulate　on　which　it　rests；　namely　Deism；　will　be　discussed　later　on　　in　its　wider　significance　for　this　period。　The　same　idea　is　repeated；　　though　in　a　clumsy　caricature；　in　the　famous　proverb　of　the　'three　who　　have　deceived　the　world；　that　is；　Moses；　Christ；　and　Mohammed。'　If　the　　Emperor　Frederick　II；　in　whom　this　saying　is　said　to　have　originated；　　really　thought　so；　he　probably　expressed　himself　with　more　wit。

Ideas　of　the　same　kind　were　also　current　in　Islam。　At　the　height　of　the　　Renaissance；　towards　the　close　of　the　fifteenth　century；　Luigi　Pulci　　offers　us　an　example　of　the　same　mode　of　thought　in　the　'Morgante　　Maggiore。'　The　imaginary　world　of　which　his　story　treats　is　divided；　as　　in　all　heroic　poems　of　romance；　into　a　Christian　and　a　Mohammedan　camp。　　In　accordance　with　the　medieval　temper；　the　victory　of　the　Christian　　and　the　final　reconciliation　among　the　combatants　was　attended　by　the　　baptism　of　the　defeated　Islamites；　and　the　Improvisatori；　who　preceded　　Pulci　in　the　treatment　of　these　subjects；　must　have　made　free　use　of　　this　stock　incident。　It　was　Pulci's　object　to　parody　his　predecessors；　　particularly　the　worst　among　them；　and　this　he　does　by　the　invocations　　of　God；　Christ；　and　the　Madonna；　with　which　each　canto　begins；　and　　still　more　clearly　by　the　sudden　conversions　and　baptisms；　the　utter　　senselessness　of　which　must　have　struck　every　reader　or　hearer。　This　　ridicule　leads　him　further　to　the　confession　of　his　faith　in　the　　relative　goodness　of　all　religions；　which　faith；　notwithstanding　his　　profession　of　orthodoxy；　rests　on　an　essentially　theistic　basis。　In　　another　point；　too；　he　departs　widely　from　mediaeval　conceptions。　The　　alternatives　in　past　centuries　were：　Christian；　or　else　Pagan　and　　Mohammedan；　orthodox　believer　or　heretic。　Pulci　draws　a　picture　of　the　　Giant　Margutte　who；　disregarding　each　and　every　religion；　jovially　　confesses　to　every　form　of　vice　and　sensuality；　and　only　reserves　to　　himself　the　merit　of　having　never　broken　faith。　Perhaps　the　poet　　intended　to　make　something　of　thisin　his　wayhonest　monster；　　possibly　to　have　led　him　into　virtuous　paths　by　Morgante；　but　he　soon　　got　tired　of　his　own　creation；　and　in　the　next　canto　brought　him　to　a　　comic　end。　Margutte　has　been　brought　forward　as　a　proof　of　Pulci's　　frivolity；　but　he　is　needed　to　complete　the　picture　of　the　poetry　of　　the　fifteenth　century。　It　was　natural　that　it　should　somewhere　present　　in　grotesque　proportions　the　figure　of　an　untamed　egotism；　insensible　　to　all　established　rule；　and　yet　with　a　remnant　of　honorable　feeling　　left。　In　other　poems　sentiments　are　put　into　the　mouths　of　giants；　　fiends；　infidels；　and　Mohammedans　which　no　Christian　knight　would　　venture　to　utter。

Antiquity　exercised　an　influence　of　another　kind　than　that　of　Islam；　　and　this　not　through　its　religion；　which　was　but　too　much　like　the　　Catholicism　of　this　period；　but　through　its　philosophy。　Ancient　　literature；　now　respected　as　something　incomparable；　is　full　of　the　　victory　of　philosophy　over　religious　tradition。　An　endless　number　of　　systems　and　fragments　of　systems　were　suddenly　presented　to　the　Italian　　mind；　not　as　curiosities　or　even　as　heresies；　but　almost　with　the　　authority　of　dogmas；　which　had　now　to　be　reconciled　rather　than　　discriminated。　In　nearly　all　these　various　opinions　and　doctrines　a　　certain　kind　of　belief　in　God　was　implied；　but　taken　altogether　they　　formed　a　marked　contrast　to　the　Christian　faith　in　a　Divine　government　　of　the　world。　And　there　was　one　central　question；　which　mediaeval　　theology　had　striven　in　vain　to　solve；　and　which　now　urgently　demanded　　an　answer　from　the　wisdom　of　the　ancients；　namely；　the　relation　of　　Providence　to　the　freedom　or　necessity　of　the　human　will。　To　write　the　　history　of　this　question　even　superficially　from　the　fourteenth　century　　onwards；　would　require　a　whole　volume。　A　few　hints　must　here　suffice。

If　we　take　Dante　and　his　contemporaries　as　evidence；　we　shall　find　that　　ancient　philosophy　first　came　into　contact　with　Italian　life　in　the　　form　which　offered　the　most　marked　contrast　to　Christianity；　that　is　to　　say；　Epicureanism。　The　writings　of　Epicurus　were　no　longer　preserved；　　and　even　at　the　close　of　the　classical　age　a　more　or　less　one…sided　　conception　had　been　formed　of　his　philosophy。　Nevertheless；　that　phase　　of　Epicureanism　which　can　be　studied　in　Lucretius；　and　especially　in　　Cicero；　is　quite　sufficient　to　make　men　familiar　with　a　godless　　universe。　To　what　extent　his　teaching　was　actually　understood；　and　　whether　the　name　of　the　problematic　Greek　sage　was　not　rather　a　　catchword　for　the　multitude；　it　is　hard　to　say。　It　is　probable　that　the　　Dominican　Inquisition　used　it　against　men　who　could　not　be　reached　by　a　　more　definite　accusation。　In　the　case　of　sceptics　born　before　the　time　　was　ripe；　whom　it　was　yet　hard　to　convict　of　positive　heretical　　utterances；　a　moderate　degree　of　luxurious　living　may　have　sufficed　to　　provoke　the　charge。　The　word　is　used　in　this　conventional　sense　by　　Giovanni　Villani；　when　he　explains　the　Florentine　fires　of　1115　and　　1117　as　a　Divine　judgement　on　heresies；　among　others；　'on　the　luxurious　　and　gluttonous　sect　of　Epic