the civilization of the renaissance in italy-第78节

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head　a　band　of　　robbers。　That　age　offers　us　this　example　among　others。　On　August　12；　　1495；　the　priest　Don　Niccolo　de'　Pelagati　of　Figarolo　was　shut　up　in　an　　iron　cage　outside　the　tower　of　San　Giuliano　at　Ferrara。　He　had　twice　　celebrated　his　first　mass；　the　first　time　he　had　the　same　day　committed　　murder；　but　afterwards　received　absolution　at　Rome；　he　then　killed　four　　people　and　married　two　wives；　with　whom　he　travelled　about。　He　　afterwards　took　part　in　many　assassinations；　violated　women；　carried　　others　away　by　force；　plundered　far　and　wide；　and　infested　the　　territory　of　Ferrara　with　a　band　of　followers　in　uniform；　extorting　　food　and　shelter　by　every　sort　of　violence。　When　we　think　of　what　all　　this　implies；　the　mass　of　guilt　on　the　head　of　this　one　man　is　　something　tremendous。　The　clergy　and　monks　had　many　privileges　and　　little　supervision；　and　among　them　were　doubtless　plenty　of　murderers　　and　other　malefactorsbut　hardly　a　second　Pelagati。　It　is　another　　matter；　though　by　no　means　creditable；　when　ruined　characters　sheltered　　themselves　in　the　cowl　in　order　to　escape　the　arm　of　the　law；　like　the　　corsair　whom　Masuccio　knew　in　a　convent　at　Naples。　What　the　real　truth　　was　with　regard　to　Pope　John　XXIII　in　this　respect；　is　not　known　with　　certainty。

The　age　of　the　famous　brigand　chief　did　not　begin　till　later；　in　the　　seventeenth　century；　when　the　political　strife　of　Guelph　and　　Ghibelline；　of　Frenchman　and　Spaniard；　no　longer　agitated　the　country。　　The　robber　then　took　the　place　of　the　partisan。

In　certain　districts　of　Italy；　where　civilization　had　made　little　　progress；　the　country　people　were　disposed　to　murder　any　stranger　who　　fell　into　their　hands。　This　was　especially　the　case　in　the　more　remote　　parts　of　the　Kingdom　of　Naples；　where　the　barbarism　dated　probably　from　　the　days　of　the　Roman　'latifundia；'　and　when　the　stranger　and　the　enemy　　（'hospes'　and　'hostis'）　were　in　all　good　faith　held　to　be　one　and　the　　same。　These　people　were　far　from　being　irreligious。　A　herdsman　once　　appeared　in　great　trouble　at　the　confessional；　avowing　that；　while　　making　cheese　during　Lent；　a　few　drops　of　milk　had　found　their　way　into　　his　mouth。　The　confessor；　skilled　in　the　customs　of　the　country；　　discovered　in　the　course　of　his　examination　that　the　penitent　and　his　　friends　were　in　the　practice　of　robbing　and　murdering　travellers；　but　　that；　through　the　force　of　habit；　this　usage　gave　rise　to　no　twinges　of　　conscience　within　them。　We　have　already　mentioned　to　what　a　degree　of　　barbarism　the　peasants　elsewhere　could　sink　in　times　of　political　　confusion。

A　worse　symptom　than　brigandage　of　the　morality　of　that　time　was　the　　frequency　of　paid　assassination。　In　that　respect　Naples　was　admitted　to　　stand　at　the　head　of　all　the　cities　of　Italy。　'Nothing；'　says　Pontano；　　'is　cheaper　here　than　human　life。'　But　other　districts　could　also　show　　a　terrible　list　of　these　crimes。　It　is　hard；　of　course；　to　classify　　them　according　to　the　motives　by　which　they　were　prompted；　since　　political　expediency；　personal　hatred；　party　hostility；　fear；　and　　revenge；　all　play　into　one　another。　It　is　no　small　honour　to　the　　Florentines；　the　most　highly　developed　people　of　Italy；　that　offenses　　of　this　kind　occurred　more　rarely　among　them　than　anywhere　else；　　perhaps　because　there　was　a　justice　at　hand　for　legitimate　grievances　　which　was　recognized　by　all；　or　because　the　higher　culture　of　the　　individual　gave　him　different　views　as　to　the　right　of　men　to　interfere　　with　the　decrees　of　fate。　In　Florence；　if　anywhere；　men　were　able　to　　feel　the　incalculable　consequences　of　a　deed　of　blood；　and　to　　understand　how　uncertain　the　author　of　a　so…called　profitable　crime　is　　of　any　true　and　lasting　gain。　After　the　fall　of　Florentine　liberty；　　assassination；　especially　by　hired　agents；　seems　to　have　rapidly　　increased；　and　continued　till　the　government　of　Grand　Duke　Cosimo　I　de'　　Medici　had　attained　such　strength　that　the　police　were　at　last　able　to　　repress　it。

Elsewhere　in　Italy　paid　crimes　were　probably　more　or　less　frequent　in　　proportion　to　the　number　of　powerful　and　solvent　buyers。　Impossible　as　　it　is　to　make　any　statistical　estimate　of　their　amount；　yet　if　only　a　　fraction　of　the　deaths　which　public　report　attributed　to　violence　were　　really　murders；　the　crime　must　have　been　terribly　frequent。　The　worst　　example　of　all　was　set　by　princes　and　governments；　who　without　the　　faintest　scruple　reckoned　murder　as　one　of　the　instruments　of　their　　power。　And　this；　without　being　in　the　same　category　with　Cesare　Borgia。　　The　Sforzas；　the　Aragonese　monarchs；　and；　later　on；　the　agents　of　　Charles　V　resorted　to　it　whenever　it　suited　their　purpose。　The　　imagination　of　the　people　at　last　became　so　accustomed　to　facts　of　this　　kind　that　the　death　of　any　powerful　man　was　seldom　or　never　attributed　　to　natural　causes。　There　were　certainly　absurd　notions　current　with　　regard　to　the　effect　of　various　poisons。　There　may　be　some　truth　in　the　　story　of　that　terrible　white　powder　used　by　the　Borgias；　which　did　its　　work　at　the　end　of　a　definite　period；　and　it　is　possible　that　it　was　　really　a　'venenum　atterminatum'　which　the　Prince　of　Salerno　handed　to　　the　Cardinal　of　Aragon；　with　the　words：　'In　a　few　days　you　will　die；　　because　your　father；　King　Ferrante；　wished　to　trample　upon　us　all。'　But　　the　poisoned　letter　which　Caterina　Riario　sent　to　Pope　Alexander　VI　　would　hardly　have　caused　his　death　even　if　he　had　read　it；　and　when　　Alfonso　the　Great　was　warned　by　his　physicians　not　to　read　in　the　Livy　　which　Cosimo　de'　Medici　had　presented　to　him；　he　told　them　with　justice　　not　to　talk　like　fools。　Nor　can　that　poison　with　which　the　secretary　of　　Piccinino　wished　to　anoint　the　sedan…chair　of　Pius　II　have　affected　any　　other　organ　than　the　imagination。　The　proportion　which　mineral　and　　vegetable　poisons　bore　to　one　another；　cannot　be　ascertained　precisely。　　The　poison　with　which　the　painter　Rosso　Fiorentino　destroyed　himself　　（1541）　was　evidently　a　powerful　acid；　which　it　would　have　been　　impossible　to　administer　to　another　person　without　his　knowledge。　The　　secret　use　of　weapons；　especially　of　the　dagger；　in　the　service　of　　powerful　individuals；　was　habitual　in　Milan；　Naples；　and　other　cities。　　Indeed；　among　the　crowds　of　armed　retainers　who　were　necessary　for　the　　personal　safety　of　the　great；　and　who　lived　in　idleness；　it　was　natural　　that　outbreaks　of　this　mania　for　blood　should　from　time　to　time　occur。　　Many　a　deed　of　horror　would　never　have　been　committed；　had　not　the　　master　known　that　he　needed　but　to　give　a　sign　to　one　or　other　of　his　　followers。

Among　the　means　used　for　the　secret　destruction　of　others　so　far；　　that　is；　as　the　intention　goeswe　find　magic；　practiced；　however；　　sparingly。　Where　'maleficii；'　'malie；'　and　so　forth；　are　mentioned；　　they　appear　rather　as　a　means　of　heaping　up　additional　terror　on　the　　head　of　some　hated　enemy。　At　the　courts　of　France　and　England　in　the　　fourteenth　and　fifteenth　centuries；　magic；　practiced　with　a　view　to　the　　death　of　an　opponent；　plays　a　far　more　important　part　than　in　Italy。　In　　this　country；　finally；　where　individuality　of　every　sort　attained　its　　highest　development；　we　find　instances　of　that　ideal　and　absolute　　wickedness　which　delights　in　crimes　for　their　own　sake；　and　not　as　　means　to　an　end；　or　at　any　rate　as　means　to　ends　for　which　our　　psychology　has　no　measure。

Among　these　appalling　figures　we　may　first　notice　certain　of　the　　'Condottieri；'　such　as　Braccio　da　Montone；　Tiberto　Brandolino；　and　that　　Werner　von　Urslingen　whose　silver　hauberk　bore　the　inscription：　'The　　enemy　of　God；　of　pity　and　of　mercy。'　This　class　of　men　offers　us　some　　of　the　earliest　instances　of　criminals　deliberately　repudiating　every　　moral　restraint。　Yet　we　shall　be　more　reserved　in　our　judgement　of　them　　when　we　remember　that　the　worst　part　of　their　guiltin　the　estimate　of　　those　who　record　it　lay　in　their　defiance　of　spiritual　threats　and　　penalties；　and　that　to　this　fact　is　due　that　air　of　horror　with　which　　they　are　represented　as　surrounded。　In　the　case　of　Braccio；　the　hatred　　of　the　Church　went　so　far　that　he　was　infuriated　at　the　sight　of　monks　　at　their　psalms；　and　had　them　thrown　down　from　the　top　of　a　tower；　but　　at　the　same　time　'he　was　loyal　to　his　soldiers　and　a　great　general。'　As　　a　rule；　the　crimes　of　the　'Condottieri'　were　committed　for　the　sake　of　　some　definite　advantage；　and　must　be　attributed　to　a　position　in　which　　men　could　not　fail　to　be　demoralized。　Even　their　apparently　gratuitous　　cruelty　had　commonly　a　purpose；　if　it　were　only　to　strike　terror。　The　　barbarities　of　the　House　of　Aragon；　as　we　have　seen；　were　mainly　due　to　　fear　and　to　the　desire　for　vengeance。　The　thirst　for　blood　on　its　own　　account；　the　devilish　delight　in　destruction；　is　most　clearly　　exemplified　in　the　case　of　the　Spaniard　Cesare　Borgia；　whose　cruelties　　were　certainly　out　of　all　proportion　to　the　end　which　he　had　in　view。　　In　Sigismondo　Malatesta；　tyrant　of　Rimini；　the　same　disinterested　love　　of　evil　may　also　be　detected。　It　is　not　only　the　Court　of　Rome；　but　the　　verdict　of　history；　which　convicts　him　of　murder；　rape；　adultery；　　incest；　sacrilege；　perjury　and　treason；　committed　not　once　but　often。　　The　most　shocking　crime　of　allthe　unnatural　att