the civilization of the renaissance in italy-第39节

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nd　that　Toscanella；　　Vespucci；　and　others　at　least　remained　unsupported。　He　was　not；　indeed；　　a　man　of　universal　mind；　but　of　all　the　great　men　who　have　striven　to　　favour　and　promote　spiritual　interests；　few　certainly　have　been　so　　many…sided；　and　in　none　probably　was　the　inward　need　to　do　so　equally　　deep。　

The　age　in　which　we　live　is　loud　enough　in　proclaiming　the　worth　of　　culture；　and　especially　of　the　culture　of　antiquity。　But　the　　enthusiastic　devotion　to　it；　the　recognition　that　the　need　of　it　is　the　　first　and　greatest　of　all　needs；　is　nowhere　to　be　found　in　such　a　　degree　as　among　the　Florentines　of　the　fifteenth　and　the　early　part　of　　the　sixteenth　centuries。　On　this　point　we　have　indirect　proof　which　　precludes　all　doubt。　It　would　not　have　been　so　common　to　give　the　　daughters　of　the　house　a　share　in　the　same　studies；　had　they　not　been　　held　to　be　the　noblest　of　earthly　pursuits；　exile　would　not　have　been　　turned　into　a　happy　retreat；　as　was　done　by　Palla　Strozzi；　nor　would　　men　who　indulged　in　every　conceivable　excess　have　retained　the　strength　　and　the　spirit　to　write　critical　treatises　on　the　'Natural　History'　of　　Pliny　like　Filippo　Strozzi。　Our　business　here　is　not　to　deal　out　either　　praise　or　blame；　but　to　understand　the　spirit　of　the　age　in　all　its　　vigorous　individuality。　

Besides　Florence；　there　were　many　cities　of　Italy　where　individuals　and　　social　circles　devoted　all　their　energies　to　the　support　of　humanism　　and　the　protection　of　the　scholars　who　lived　among　them。　The　　correspondence　of　that　period　is　full　of　references　to　personal　　relations　of　this　kind。　The　feeling　of　the　instructed　classes　set　　strongly　and　almost　exclusively　in　this　direction。　

But　it　is　now　time　to　speak　of　humanism　at　the　Italian　courts。　The　　natural　alliance　between　the　despot　and　the　scholar；　each　relying　　solely　on　his　personal　talent；　has　already　been　touched　upon；　that　the　　latter　should　avowedly　prefer　the　princely　courts　to　the　free　cities；　　was　only　to　be　expected　from　the　higher　pay　which　they　there　received。　　At　a　time　when　the　great　Alfonso　of　Aragon　seemed　likely　to　become　　master　of　all　Italy；　AEneas　Sylvius　wrote　to　another　citizen　of　Siena：　　'I　had　rather　that　Italy　attained　peace　under　his　rule　than　under　that　　of　the　free　cities；　for　kingly　generosity　rewards　excellence　of　every　　kind'。　Too　much　stress　has　latterly　been　laid　on　the　unworthy　side　of　　this　relation；　and　the　mercenary　flattery　to　which　it　gave　rise；　just　　as　formerly　the　eulogies　of　the　humanists　led　to　a　too　favourable　　judgement　on　their　patrons。　Taking　all　things　together；　it　is　greatly　　to　the　honour　of　the　latter　that　they　felt　bound　to　place　themselves　at　　the　head　of　the　culture　of　their　age　and　country；　one…sided　though　this　　culture　was。　In　some　of　the　popes；　the　fearlessness　of　the　consequences　　to　which　the　new　learning　might　lead　strikes　us　as　something　truly；　but　　unconsciously；　imposing。　Nicholas　V　was　confident　of　the　future　of　the　　Church；　since　thousands　of　learned　men　supported　her。　Pius　II　was　far　　from　making　such　splendid　sacrifices　for　humanism　as　were　made　by　　Nicholas；　and　the　poets　who　frequented　his　court　were　few　in　number；　　but　he　himself　was　much　more　the　personal　head　of　the　republic　of　　letters　than　his　predecessor；　and　enjoyed　his　position　without　the　　least　misgiving。　Paul　II　was　the　first　to　dread　and　mistrust　the　　culture　of　his　secretaries；　and　his　three　successors；　Sixtus；　Innocent；　　and　Alexander；　accepted　dedications　and　allowed　themselves　to　be　sung　　to　the　hearts'　content　of　the　poets　　there　even　existed　a　'Borgiad'；　　probably　in　hexameters　　but　were　too　busy　elsewhere；　and　too　occupied　　in　seeking　other　foundations　for　their　power；　to　trouble　themselves　　much　about　the　poet…scholars。　Julius　II　found　poets　to　eulogize　him；　　because　he　himself　was　no　mean　subject　for　poetry；　but　he　does　not　seem　　to　have　troubled　himself　much　about　them。　He　was　followed　by　Leo　X；　'as　　Romulus　by　Numa'　　in　other　words　after　the　warlike　turmoil　of　the　　first　pontificate；　a　new　one　was　hoped　for　wholly　given　to　the　muses。　　The　enjoyment　of　elegant　Latin　prose　and　melodious　verse　was　part　of　　the　programme　of　Leo's　life；　and　his　patronage　certainly　had　the　result　　that　his　Latin　poets　have　left　us　a　living　picture　of　that　joyous　and　　brilliant　spirit　of　the　Leonine　days；　with　which　the　biography　of　　Jovius　is　filled；　in　countless　epigrams；　elegies；　odes；　and　orations。　　Probably　in　all　European　history　there　is　no　prince　who；　in　proportion　　to　the　few　striking　events　of　his　life；　has　received　such　manifold　　homage。　The　poets　had　access　to　him　chiefly　about　noon；　when　the　　musicians　had　ceased　playing；　but　one　of　the　best　among　them　tells　us　　how　they　also　pursued　him　when　he　walked　in　his　garden　or　withdrew　to　　the　privacy　of　his　chamber；　and　if　they　failed　to　catch　him　there；　　would　try　to　win　him　with　a　mendicant　ode　or　elegy；　filled；　as　usual；　　with　the　whole　population　of　Olympus。　For　Leo；　prodigal　of　his　money；　　and　disliking　to　be　surrounded　by　any　but　cheerful　faces；　displayed　a　　generosity　in　his　gifts　which　was　fabulously　exaggerated　in　the　hard　　times　that　followed。　His　reorganization　of　the　Sapienza　has　been　　already　spoken　of。　In　order　not　to　underrate　Leo's　influence　on　　humanism　we　must　guard　against　being　misled　by　the　toy…work　that　was　　mixed　up　with　it；　and　must　not　allow　ourselves　to　be　deceived　by　the　　apparent　irony　with　which　he　himself　sometimes　treated　these　matters。　　Our　judgement　must　rather　dwell　on　the　countless　spiritual　　possibilities　which　are　included　in　the　word　'stimulus'；　and　which；　　though　they　cannot　be　measured　as　a　whole；　can　still；　on　closer　study；　　be　actually　followed　out　in　particular　cases。　Whatever　influence　in　　Europe　the　Italian　humanists　have　had　since　1520　depends　in　some　way　or　　other　on　the　impulse　which　was　given　by　Leo。　He　was　the　Pope　who　in　　granting　permission　to　print　the　newly　found　Tacitus；　could　say　that　　the　great　writers　were　a　rule　of　life　and　a　consolation　in　misfortune；　　that　helping　learned　men　and　obtaining　excellent　books　had　ever　been　　one　of　his　highest　aims；　and　that　he　now　thanked　heaven　that　he　could　　benefit　the　human　race　by　furthering　the　publication　of　this　book。　

The　sack　of　Rome　in　the　year　1527　scattered　the　scholars　no　less　than　　the　artists　in　every　direction；　and　spread　the　fame　of　the　great　　departed　Maecenas　to　the　farthest　boundaries　of　Italy。　

Among　the　secular　princes　of　the　fifteenth　century；　none　displayed　such　　enthusiasm　for　antiquity　as　Alfonso　the　Great　of　Aragon；　King　of　　Naples。　It　appears　that　his　zeal　was　thoroughly　unaffected；　and　that　　the　monuments　and　writings　of　the　ancient　world　made　upon　him　from　the　　time　of　his　arrival　in　Italy；　an　impression　deep　and　powerful　enough　to　　reshape　his　life。　With　strange　readiness　he　surrendered　the　stubborn　　Aragon　to　his　brother；　and　devoted　himself　wholly　to　his　new　　possessions。　He　had　in　his　service；　either　successively　or　together；　　George　of　Trebizond；　the　younger　Chrysoloras；　Lorenzo　Valla；　　Bartolommeo　Facio　and　Antonio　Panormita；　of　whom　the　two　latter　were　　his　historians；　Panormita　daily　instructed　the　King　and　his　court　in　　Livy；　even　during　military　expeditions。　These　men　cost　him　yearly　　20；000　gold　florins。　He　gave　Panormita　1；000　for　his　work：　Facio　　received　for　the　'Historia　Alfonsi'；　besides　a　yearly　income　of　500　　ducats；　a　present　of　1；500　more　when　it　was　finished；　with　the　words；　　'It　is　not　given　to　pay　you；　for　your　work　would　not　be　paid　for　if　I　　gave　you　the　fairest　of　my　cities；　but　in　time　I　hope　to　satisfy　you'。　　When　he　took　Giannozzo　Manetti　as　his　secretary　on　the　most　brilliant　　conditions；　he　said　to　him；　'My　last　crust　I　will　share　with　you'。　When　　Giannozzo　first　came　to　bring　the　congratulations　of　the　Florentine　　government　on　the　marriage　of　Prince　Ferrante；　the　impression　he　made　　was　so　great；　that　the　King　sat　motionless　on　the　throne；　'like　a　　brazen　statue；　and　did　not　even　brush　away　a　fly；　which　had　settled　on　　his　nose　at　the　beginning　of　the　oration'。　His　favourite　haunt　seems　to　　have　been　the　library　of　the　castle　at　Naples；　where　he　would　sit　at　a　　window　overlooking　the　bay；　and　listen　to　learned　debates　on　the　　Trinity。　For　he　was　profoundly　religious；　and　had　the　Bible；　as　well　as　　Livy　and　Seneca；　read　to　him；　till　after　fourteen　perusals　he　knew　it　　almost　by　heart。　Who　can　fully　understand　the　feeling　with　which　he　　regarded　the　supposititious　remains　of　Livy　at　Padua？　When；　by　dint　of　　great　entreaties；　he　obtained　an　arm…bone　of　the　skeleton　from　the　　Venetians；　and　received　it　with　solemn　pomp　at　Naples；　how　strangely　　Christian　and　pagan　sentiment　must　have　been　blended　in　his　heart！　　During　a　campaign　in　the　Abruzzi；　when　the　distant　Sulmona；　the　　birthplace　of　Ovid；　was　pointed　out　to　him；　he　saluted　the　spot　and　　returned　thanks　to　its　tutelary　genius。　It　gladdened　him　to　make　good　　the　prophecy　of　the　great　poet　as　to　his　future　fame。　Once　indeed；　at　　his　famous　entry　into　the　conquered　city　of　Naples　（1443）　he　himself　　chose　to　appear　before　the　world　in　ancient　style。　Not　far　from　the　　market　a　breach　forty　ells　wide　was　made　in　the　wall；　and　through　this　　he　drove　in　a　gilded　chariot　like　a　Roman　Triumphator。　The　memory　of