the civilization of the renaissance in italy-第14节

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　These　measures　were　　not　the　fruit　of　any　popular　excitement；　but　of　the　tranquil　　resolutions　of　the　heads　of　the　Government；　and　might　have　been　omitted　　without　attracting　any　comment；　and　at　Florence；　under　similar　　circumstances；　would　certainly　have　been　omitted。　We　shall　say　nothing　　of　the　piety　of　the　masses；　and　of　their　firm　belief　in　the　indulgences　　of　an　Alexander　VI。　But　the　State　itself；　after　absorbing　the　Church　to　　a　degree　unknown　elsewhere；　had　in　truth　a　certain　ecclesiastical　　element　in　its　composition；　and　the　Doge；　the　symbol　of　the　State；　　appeared　in　twelve　great　processions　（'andate'）　in　a　half…clerical　　character。　They　were　almost　all　festivals　in　memory　of　political　　events；　and　competed　in　splendor　with　the　great　feasts　of　the　Church；　　the　most　brilliant　of　all；　the　famous　marriage　with　the　sea；　fell　on　　Ascension　Day。　

The　most　elevated　political　thought　and　the　most　varied　forms　of　human　　development　are　found　united　in　the　history　of　Florence；　which　in　this　　sense　deserves　the　name　of　the　first　modern　State　in　the　world。　Here　　the　whole　people　are　busied　with　what　in　the　despotic　cities　is　the　　affair　of　a　single　family。　That　wondrous　Florentine　spirit；　at　once　　keenly　critical　and　artistically　creative；　was　incessantly　transforming　　the　social　and　political　condition　of　the　State；　and　as　incessantly　　describing　and　judging　the　change。　Florence　thus　became　the　home　of　　political　doctrines　and　theories；　of　experiments　and　sudden　changes；　　but　also；　like　Venice；　the　home　of　statistical　science；　and　alone　and　　above　all　other　States　in　the　world；　the　home　of　historical　　representation　in　the　modern　sense　of　the　phrase。　The　spectacle　of　　ancient　Rome　and　a　familiarity　with　its　leading　writers　were　not　　without　influence；　Giovanni　Villani　confesses　that　he　received　the　　first　impulse　to　his　great　work　at　the　jubilee　of　the　year　1300；　and　　began　it　immediately　on　his　return　home。　Yet　how　many　among　the　200；000　　pilgrims　of　that　year　may　have　been　like　him　in　gifts　and　tendencies　　and　still　did　not　write　the　history　of　their　native　cities？　For　not　all　　of　them　could　encourage　themselves　with　the　thought：　'Rome　is　sinking；　　my　native　city　is　rising；　and　ready　to　achieve　great　things；　and　　therefore　I　wish　to　relate　its　past　history；　and　hope　to　continue　the　　story　to　the　present　time；　and　as　long　as　any　life　shall　last。'　And　　besides　the　witness　to　its　past；　Florence　obtained　through　its　　historians　something　further　a　greater　fame　than　fell　to　the　lot　of　any　　other　city　of　Italy。　

Our　present　task　is　not　to　write　the　history　of　this　remarkable　State；　　but　merely　to　give　a　few　indications　of　the　intellectual　freedom　and　　independence　for　which　the　Florentines　were　indebted　to　this　history。　　In　no　other　city　of　Italy　were　the　struggles　of　political　parties　so　　bitter；　of　such　early　origin；　and　so　permanent。　The　descriptions　of　　them；　which　belong；　it　is　true；　to　a　somewhat　later　period；　give　clear　　evidence　of　the　superiority　of　Florentine　criticism。　

And　what　a　politician　is　the　great　victim　of　these　crises；　Dante　　Alighieri；　matured　alike　by　home　and　by　exile　！　He　uttered　his　scorn　of　　the　incessant　changes　and　experiments　in　the　constitution　of　his　native　　city　in　ringing　verses；　which　will　remain　proverbial　so　long　as　　political　events　of　the　same　kind　recur；14　he　addressed　his　home　in　　words　of　defiance　and　yearning　which　must　have　stirred　the　hearts　of　　his　countrymen。　But　his　thoughts　ranged　over　Italy　and　the　whole　world；　　and　if　his　passion　for　the　Empire；　as　he　conceived　it；　was　no　more　than　　an　illusion；　it　must　yet　be　admitted　that　the　youthful　dreams　of　a　　newborn　political　speculation　are　in　his　case　not　without　a　poetical　　grandeur。　He　is　proud　to　be　the　first　who　trod　this　path；16　certainly　　in　the　footsteps　of　Aristotle；　but　in　his　own　way　independently。　His　　ideal　emperor　is　a　just　and　humane　judge；　dependent　on　God　only；　the　　heir　of　the　universal　sway　of　Rome　to　which　belonged　the　sanction　of　　nature；　of　right　and　of　the　will　of　God。　The　conquest　of　the　world　was；　　according　to　this　view；　rightful；　resting　on　a　divine　judgement　between　　Rome　and　the　other　nations　of　the　earth；　and　God　gave　his　approval　to　　this　empire；　since　under　it　He　became　Man；　submitting　at　His　birth　to　　the　census　of　the　Emperor　Augustus；　and　at　His　death　to　the　judgement　　of　Pontius　Pilate。　We　may　find　it　hard　to　appreciate　these　and　other　　arguments　of　the　same　kind；　but　Dante's　passion　never　fail　s　to　carry　　us　with　him。　In　his　letters　he　appears　as　one　of　the　earliest　　publicists；　and　is　perhaps　the　first　layman　to　publish　political　tracts　　in　this　form。　He　began　early。　Soon　after　the　death　of　Beatrice　he　　addressed　a　pamphlet　on　the　State　of　Florence　'to　the　Great　ones　of　the　　Earth；'　and　the　public　utterances　of　his　later　years；　dating　from　the　　time　of　his　banishment；　are　all　directed　to　emperors；　princes；　a　nd　　cardinals。　In　these　letters　and　in　his　book　De　Vulgari　Eloquentia　　（About　the　Vernacular）　the　feeling；　bought　with　such　bitter　pains；　is　　constantly　recurring　that　the　exile　may　find　elsewhere　than　in　his　　native　place　an　intellectual　home　in　language　and　culture；　which　cannot　　be　taken　from　him。　On　this　point　we　shall　have　more　to　say　in　the　　sequel。

To　the　two　Villani；　Giovanni　as　well　as　Matteo；　we　owe　not　so　much　deep　　political　reflection　as　fresh　and　practical　observations；　together　with　　the　elements　of　Florentine　statistics　and　important　notices　of　other　　States。　Here　too　trade　and　commerce　had　given　the　impulse　to　economic　　as　well　as　political　science。　Nowhere　else　in　the　world　was　such　　accurate　information　to　be　had　on　financial　affairs。　The　wealth　of　the　　Papal　court　at　Avignon；　which　at　the　death　of　John　XXII　amounted　to　　twenty…five　millions　of　gold　florins；　would　be　incredible　on　any　less　　trustworthy　authority。　Here　only；　at　Florence；　do　we　meet　with　colossal　　loans　like　that　which　the　King　of　England　contracted　from　the　　Florentine　houses　of　Bardi　and　Peruzzi；　who　lost　to　his　Majesty　the　sum　　of　1；365；000　gold　florins　（1338）　their　own　money　and　that　of　their　　partners　and　nevertheless　recovered　from　the　shock。　Most　important　　facts　are　here　recorded　as　to　the　condition　of　Florence　at　this　time：　　the　public　income　（over　300；000　gold　florins）　and　expenditure　the　　population　of　the　city；　here　only　roughly　estimated；　according　to　the　　consumption　of　bread；　in　'bocche；'　i。e。　mouths；　put　at　50；000　and　the　　population　of　the　whole　territory；　the　excess　of　300　to　500　male　　children　among　the　5；800　to　8；000　annually　baptized　18　the　　schoolchildren；　of　whom　8；000　to　10；000　learned　reading；　1；000　to　1；200　　in　six　schools　arithmetic；　and　besides　these；　600　scholars　who　were　　taught　Latin　grammar　and　logic　in　four　schools。　Then　follow　the　　statistics　of　the　churches　and　monasteries；　of　the　hospitals；　which　　held　more　than　a　thousand　beds；　of　the　wool　trade；　with　most　valuable　　details；　of　the　mint；　the　provisioning　of　the　city；　the　public　　officials；　and　so　on。　Incidentally　we　learn　many　curious　facts；　how；　　for　instance；　when　the　public　funds　（'monte'）　were　first　established；　　in　the　year　1353；　the　Franciscans　spoke　from　the　pulpit　in　favour　of　　the　measure；　the　Dominicans　and　Augustinians　against　it。　The　economic　　results　of　the　black　death　were　and　could　be　observed　and　described　　nowhere　else　in　all　Europe　as　in　this　city。20　Only　a　Florentine　could　　have　left　it　on　record　how　it　was　expected　that　the　scanty　population　　would　have　made　everything　cheap；　and　how　instead　of　that　labor　and　　commodities　doubled　in　price；　how　the　common　people　at　first　would　do　　no　work　at　all；　but　simply　give　themselves　up　to　enjoyment；　how　in　the　　city　itself　servants　and　maids　were　not　to　be　had　except　at　extravagant　　wages；　how　the　peasants　would　only　hill　the　best　lands；　and　left　the　　rest　uncultivated；　and　how　the　enormous　legacies　bequeathed　to　the　poor　　at　the　time　of　the　plague　seemed　afterwards　useless；　since　the　poor　had　　either　died　or　had　ceased　to　be　poor。　Lastly；　on　the　occasion　of　a　　great　bequest；　by　which　a　childless　philanthropist　left　six　'denarii'　　to　every　beggar　in　the　city；　the　attempt　is　made　to　give　a　　comprehensive　statistical　account　of　Florentine　mendicancy。　

This　statistical　view　of　things　was　at　a　later　time　still　more　highly　　cultivated　at　Florence。　The　noteworthy　point　about　it　is　that；　as　a　　rule；　we　can　perceive　its　connection　with　the　higher　aspects　of　　history；　with　art；　and　with　culture　in　general。　An　inventory　of　the　　year　1422　mentions；　within　the　compass　of　the　same　document；　the　　seventy…two　exchange　offices　which　surrounded　the　'Mercato　Nuovo'；　the　　amount　of　coined　money　in　circulation　（two　million　golden　florins）；　the　　then　new　industry　of　gold　spinning；　the　silk　wares；　Filippo　　Brunellesco；　then　busy　in　digging　classical　architecture　from　its　　grave；　and　Leonardo　Aretino；　secretary　of　the　republic；　at　work　at　the　　revival　of　ancient　literature　and　eloquence；　lastly；　it　speaks　of　the　　general　prosperity　of　the　city；　then　free　from　political　conflicts；　and　　of　the　good　fortune　of　Italy；　which　had　rid　itself　of　foreign　　mercenaries。　The　Venetian　statistics　quoted　above　which　date　from　about　　the　same　year；　certainly　give　evidence　of　larger　property　and　profit　　a