on liberty-及4准
梓囚徒貧圭鮗 ○ 賜 ★ 辛酔堀貧和鍬匈梓囚徒貧議 Enter 囚辛指欺云慕朕村匈梓囚徒貧圭鮗 ● 辛指欺云匈競何
!!!!隆堋響頼紗秘慕禰厮宴和肝写偬堋響
benefit of others察which he may rightfully be compelled to perform
such as to give evidence in a court of justice察to bear his fair share
in the common defence察or in any other joint work necessary to the
interest of the society of which he enjoys the protection察and to
perform certain acts of individual beneficence察such as saving a
fellow creature's life察or interposing to protect the defenceless
against ill´usage察things which whenever it is obviously a man's
duty to do察he may rightfully be made responsible to society for not
doing。 A person may cause evil to others not only by his actions but
by his inaction察and in either case he is justly accountable to them
for the injury。 The latter case察it is true察requires a much more
cautious exercise of compulsion than the former。 To make any one
answerable for doing evil to others is the rule察to make him
answerable for not preventing evil is察comparatively speaking察the
exception。 Yet there are many cases clear enough and grave enough to
justify that exception。 In all things which regard the external
relations of the individual察he is de jure amenable to those whose
interests are concerned察and察if need be察to society as their
protector。 There are often good reasons for not holding him to the
responsibility察but these reasons must arise from the special
expediencies of the case此either because it is a kind of case in which
he is on the whole likely to act better察when left to his own
discretion察than when controlled in any way in which society have it
in their power to control him察or because the attempt to exercise
control would produce other evils察greater than those which it would
prevent。 When such reasons as these preclude the enforcement of
responsibility察the conscience of the agent himself should step into
the vacant judgment seat察and protect those interests of others
which have no external protection察judging himself all the more
rigidly察because the case does not admit of his being made accountable
to the judgment of his fellow creatures。
But there is a sphere of action in which society察as distinguished
from the individual察has察if any察only an indirect interest
comprehending all that portion of a person's life and conduct which
affects only himself察or if it also affects others察only with their
free察voluntary察and undeceived consent and participation。 When I
say only himself察I mean directly察and in the first instance察for
whatever affects himself察may affect others through himself察and the
objection which may be grounded on this contingency察will receive
consideration in the sequel。 This察then察is the appropriate region
of human liberty。 It comprises察first察the inward domain of
consciousness察demanding liberty of conscience in the most
comprehensive sense察liberty of thought and feeling察absolute
freedom of opinion and sentiment on all subjects察practical or
speculative察scientific察moral察or theological。 The liberty of
expressing and publishing opinions may seem to fall under a
different principle察since it belongs to that part of the conduct of
an individual which concerns other people察but察being almost of as
much importance as the liberty of thought itself察and resting in great
part on the same reasons察is practically inseparable from it。
Secondly察the principle requires liberty of tastes and pursuits察of
framing the plan of our life to suit our own character察of doing as we
like察subject to such consequences as may follow此without impediment
from our fellow creatures察so long as what we do does not harm them
even though they should think our conduct foolish察perverse察or wrong。
Thirdly察from this liberty of each individual察follows the liberty
within the same limits察of combination among individuals察freedom to
unite察for any purpose not involving harm to others此the persons
combining being supposed to be of full age察and not forced or
deceived。
No society in which these liberties are not察on the whole
respected察is free察whatever may be its form of government察and none
is completely free in which they do not exist absolute and
unqualified。 The only freedom which deserves the name察is that of
pursuing our own good in our own way察so long as we do not attempt
to deprive others of theirs察or impede their efforts to obtain it。
Each is the proper guardian of his own health察whether bodily察or
mental and spiritual。 Mankind are greater gainers by suffering each
other to live as seems good to themselves察than by compelling each
to live as seems good to the rest。
Though this doctrine is anything but new察and察to some persons
may have the air of a truism察there is no doctrine which stands more
directly opposed to the general tendency of existing opinion and
practice。 Society has expended fully as much effort in the attempt
according to its lights to compel people to conform to its notions
of personal as of social excellence。 The ancient commonwealths thought
themselves entitled to practise察and the ancient philosophers
countenanced察the regulation of every part of private conduct by
public authority察on the ground that the State had a deep interest
in the whole bodily and mental discipline of every one of its
citizens察a mode of thinking which may have been admissible in small
republics surrounded by powerful enemies察in constant peril of being
subverted by foreign attack or internal commotion察and to which even a
short interval of relaxed energy and self´command might so easily be
fatal that they could not afford to wait for the salutary permanent
effects of freedom。 In the modern world察the greater size of political
communities察and察above all察the separation between spiritual and
temporal authority which placed the direction of men's consciences in
other hands than those which controlled their worldly affairs
prevented so great an interference by law in the details of private
life察but the engines of moral repression have been wielded more
strenuously against divergence from the reigning opinion in
self´regarding察than even in social matters察religion察the most
powerful of the elements which have entered into the formation of
moral feeling察having almost always been governed either by the
ambition of a hierarchy察seeking control over every department of
human conduct察or by the spirit of Puritanism。 And some of those
modern reformers who have placed themselves in strongest opposition to
the religions of the past察have been noway behind either churches or
sects in their assertion of the right of spiritual domination此M。
Comte察in particular察whose social system察as unfolded in his
Systeme de Politique Positive察aims at establishing though by moral
more than by legal appliances a despotism of society over the
individual察surpassing anything contemplated in the political ideal of
the most rigid disciplinarian among the ancient philosophers。
Apart from the peculiar tenets of individual thinkers察there is also
in the world at large an increasing inclination to stretch unduly
the powers of society over the individual察both by the force of
opinion and even by that of legislation察and as the tendency of all
the changes taking place in the world is to strengthen society察and
diminish the power of the individual察this encroachment is not one
of the evils which tend spontaneously to disappear察but察on the
contrary察to grow more and more formidable。 The disposition of
mankind察whether as rulers or as fellow´citizens察to impose their
own opinions and inclinations as a rule of conduct on others察is so
energetically supported by some of the best and by some of the worst
feelings incident to human nature察that it is hardly ever kept under
restraint by anything but want of power察and as the power is not
declining察but growing察unless a strong barrier of moral conviction
can be raised against the mischief察we must expect察in the present
circumstances of the world察to see it increase。
It will be convenient for the argument察if察instead of at once
entering upon the general thesis察we confine ourselves in the first
instance to a single branch of it察on which the principle here
stated is察if not fully察yet to a certain point察recognised by the
current opinions。 This one branch is the Liberty of Thought此from
which it is impossible to separate the cognate liberty of speaking and
of writing。 Although these liberties察to some considerable amount
form part of the political morality of all countries which profess
religious toleration and free institutions察the grounds察both
philosophical and practical察on which they rest察are perhaps not so
familiar to the general mind察nor so thoroughly appreciated by many
even of the leaders