on liberty-及31准
梓囚徒貧圭鮗 ○ 賜 ★ 辛酔堀貧和鍬匈梓囚徒貧議 Enter 囚辛指欺云慕朕村匈梓囚徒貧圭鮗 ● 辛指欺云匈競何
!!!!隆堋響頼紗秘慕禰厮宴和肝写偬堋響
unrecognised察that to bring a child into existence without a fair
prospect of being able察not only to provide food for its body察but
instruction and training for its mind察is a moral crime察both
against the unfortunate offspring and against society察and that if the
parent does not fulfil this obligation察the State ought to see it
fulfilled察at the charge察as far as possible察of the parent。
Were the duty of enforcing universal education once admitted there
would be an end to the difficulties about what the State should teach
and how it should teach察which now convert the subject into a mere
battlefield for sects and parties察causing the time and labour which
should have been spent in educating to be wasted in quarreling about
education。 If the government would make up its mind to require for
every child a good education察it might save itself the trouble of
providing one。 It might leave to parents to obtain the education where
and how they pleased察and content itself with helping to pay the
school fees of the poorer classes of children察and defraying the
entire school expenses of those who have no one else to pay for
them。 The objections which are urged with reason against State
education do not apply to the enforcement of education by the State
but to the State's taking upon itself to direct that education
which is a totally different thing。 That the whole or any large part
of the education of the people should be in State hands察I go as far
as any one in deprecating。 All that has been said of the importance of
individuality of character察and diversity in opinions and modes of
conduct察involves察as of the same unspeakable importance察diversity of
education。 A general State education is a mere contrivance for
moulding people to be exactly like one another此and as the mould in
which it casts them is that which pleases the predominant power in the
government察whether this be a monarch察a priesthood察an aristocracy
or the majority of the existing generation察in proportion as it is
efficient and successful察it establishes a despotism over the mind
leading by natural tendency to one over the body。 An education
established and controlled by the State should only exist察if it exist
at all察as one among many competing experiments察carried on for the
purpose of example and stimulus察to keep the others up to a certain
standard of excellence。 Unless察indeed察when society in general is
in so backward a state that it could not or would not provide for
itself any proper institutions of education unless the government
undertook the task此then察indeed察the government may察as the less of
two great evils察take upon itself the business of schools and
universities察as it may that of joint stock companies察when private
enterprise察in a shape fitted for undertaking great works of industry
does not exist in the country。 But in general察if the country contains
a sufficient number of persons qualified to provide education under
government auspices察the same persons would be able and willing to
give an equally good education on the voluntary principle察under the
assurance of remuneration afforded by a law rendering education
compulsory察combined with State aid to those unable to defray the
expense。
The instrument for enforcing the law could be no other than public
examinations察extending to all children察and beginning at an early
age。 An age might be fixed at which every child must be examined察to
ascertain if he or she is able to read。 If a child proves unable
the father察unless he has some sufficient ground of excuse察might be
subjected to a moderate fine察to be worked out察if necessary察by his
labour察and the child might be put to school at his expense。 Once in
every year the examination should be renewed察with a gradually
extending range of subjects察so as to make the universal
acquisition察and what is more察retention察of a certain minimum of
general knowledge virtually compulsory。 Beyond that minimum there
should be voluntary examinations on all subjects察at which all who
come up to a certain standard of proficiency might claim a
certificate。 To prevent the State from exercising察through these
arrangements察an improper influence over opinion察the knowledge
required for passing an examination beyond the merely instrumental
parts of knowledge察such as languages and their use should察even in
the higher classes of examinations察be confined to facts and
positive science exclusively。 The examinations on religion
politics察or other disputed topics察should not turn on the truth or
falsehood of opinions察but on the matter of fact that such and such an
opinion is held察on such grounds察by such authors察or schools察or
churches。
Under this system察the rising generation would be no worse off in
regard to all disputed truths than they are at present察they would
be brought up either churchmen or dissenters as they now are察the
State merely taking care that they should be instructed churchmen
or instructed dissenters。 There would be nothing to hinder them from
being taught religion察if their parents chose察at the same schools
where they were taught other things。 All attempts by the State to bias
the conclusions of its citizens on disputed subjects are evil察but
it may very properly offer to ascertain and certify that a person
possesses the knowledge requisite to make his conclusions察on any
given subject察worth attending to。 A student of philosophy would be
the better for being able to stand an examination both in Locke and in
Kant察whichever of the two he takes up with察or even if with
neither此and there is no reasonable objection to examining an
atheist in the evidences of Christianity察provided he is not
required to profess a belief in them。 The examinations察however察in
the higher branches of knowledge should察I conceive察be entirely
voluntary。 It would be giving too dangerous a power to governments
were they allowed to exclude any one from professions察even from the
profession of teacher察for alleged deficiency of qualifications此and I
think察with Wilhelm von Humboldt察that degrees察or other public
certificates of scientific or professional acquirements察should be
given to all who present themselves for examination察and stand the
test察but that such certificates should confer no advantage over
competitors other than the weight which may be attached to their
testimony by public opinion。
It is not in the matter of education only that misplaced notions
of liberty prevent moral obligations on the part of parents from being
recognised察and legal obligations from being imposed察where there
are the strongest grounds for the former always察and in many cases for
the latter also。 The fact itself察of causing the existence of a
human being察is one of the most responsible actions in the range of
human life。 To undertake this responsibility´ to bestow a life which
may be either a curse or a blessing´ unless the being on whom it is
to be bestowed will have at least the ordinary chances of a
desirable existence察is a crime against that being。 And in a country
either over´peopled察or threatened with being so察to produce children
beyond a very small number察with the effect of reducing the reward
of labour by their competition察is a serious offence against all who
live by the remuneration of their labour。 The laws which察in many
countries on the Continent察forbid marriage unless the parties can
show that they have the means of supporting a family察do not exceed
the legitimate powers of the State此and whether such laws be expedient
or not a question mainly dependent on local circumstances and
feelings察they are not objectionable as violations of liberty。 Such
laws are interferences of the State to prohibit a mischievous act´ an
act injurious to others察which ought to be a subject of reprobation
and social stigma察even when it is not deemed expedient to superadd
legal punishment。 Yet the current ideas of liberty察which bend so
easily to real infringements of the freedom of the individual in
things which concern only himself察would repel the attempt to put
any restraint upon his inclinations when the consequence of their
indulgence is a life or lives of wretchedness and depravity to the
offspring察with manifold evils to those sufficiently within reach to
be in any way affected by their actions。 When we compare the strange
respect of mankind for liberty察with their strange want of respect for
it察we might imagine that a man had an indispensable right to do
harm to others察and no right at all to please himself without giving
pain to any one。
I have reserved for the last place a large class of questions
respecting the l