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on liberty-及1准

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!!!!隆堋響頼紗秘慕禰厮宴和肝写偬堋響







                                      1859





                                   ON LIBERTY





                              by John Stuart Mill









DEDICATION







  The grand察leading principle察towards which every argument



unfolded in these pages directly converges察is the absolute and



essential importance of human development in its richest diversity。







               WILHELM VON HUMBOLDT此Sphere and Duties of Government。







  TO the beloved and deplored memory of her who was the inspirer



and in part the author察of all that is best in my writings´ the



friend and wife whose exalted sense of truth and right was my



strongest incitement察and whose approbation was my chief reward´ I



dedicate this volume。 Like all that I have written for many years



it belongs as much to her as to me察but the work as it stands has had



in a very insufficient degree察the inestimable advantage of her



revision察some of the most important portions having been reserved for



a more careful re´examination察which they are now never destined to



receive。 Were I but capable of interpreting to the world one half



the great thoughts and noble feelings which are buried in her grave察I



should be the medium of a greater benefit to it察than is ever likely



to arise from anything that I can write察unprompted and unassisted



by her all but unrivalled wisdom。



                             Chapter 1



                           Introductory







  THE SUBJECT of this Essay is not the so´called Liberty of the



Will察so unfortunately opposed to the misnamed doctrine of



Philosophical Necessity察but Civil察or Social Liberty此the nature



and limits of the power which can be legitimately exercised by society



over the individual。 A question seldom stated察and hardly ever



discussed察in general terms察but which profoundly influences the



practical controversies of the age by its latent presence察and is



likely soon to make itself recognised as the vital question of the



future。 It is so far from being new察that察in a certain sense察it



has divided mankind察almost from the remotest ages察but in the stage



of progress into which the more civilised portions of the species have



now entered察it presents itself under new conditions察and requires a



different and more fundamental treatment。



  The struggle between Liberty and Authority is the most conspicuous



feature in the portions of history with which we are earliest



familiar察particularly in that of Greece察Rome察and England。 But in



old times this contest was between subjects察or some classes of



subjects察and the Government。 By liberty察was meant protection against



the tyranny of the political rulers。 The rulers were conceived except



in some of the popular governments of Greece as in a necessarily



antagonistic position to the people whom they ruled。 They consisted of



a governing One察or a governing tribe or caste察who derived their



authority from inheritance or conquest察who察at all events察did not



hold it at the pleasure of the governed察and whose supremacy men did



not venture察perhaps did not desire察to contest察whatever



precautions might be taken against its oppressive exercise。 Their



power was regarded as necessary察but also as highly dangerous察as a



weapon which they would attempt to use against their subjects察no less



than against external enemies。 To prevent the weaker members of the



community from being preyed upon by innumerable vultures察it was



needful that there should be an animal of prey stronger than the rest



commissioned to keep them down。 But as the king of the vultures



would be no less bent upon preying on the flock than any of the



minor harpies察it was indispensable to be in a perpetual attitude of



defence against his beak and claws。 The aim察therefore察of patriots



was to set limits to the power which the ruler should be suffered to



exercise over the community察and this limitation was what they meant



by liberty。 It was attempted in two ways。 First察by obtaining a



recognition of certain immunities察called political liberties or



rights察which it was to be regarded as a breach of duty in the ruler



to infringe察and which if he did infringe察specific resistance察or



general rebellion察was held to be justifiable。 A second察and generally



a later expedient察was the establishment of constitutional checks



by which the consent of the community察or of a body of some sort



supposed to represent its interests察was made a necessary condition to



some of the more important acts of the governing power。 To the first



of these modes of limitation察the ruling power察in most European



countries察was compelled察more or less察to submit。 It was not so



with the second察and察to attain this察or when already in some degree



possessed察to attain it more completely察became everywhere the



principal object of the lovers of liberty。 And so long as mankind were



content to combat one enemy by another察and to be ruled by a master



on condition of being guaranteed more or less efficaciously against



his tyranny察they did not carry their aspirations beyond this point。



  A time察however察came察in the progress of human affairs察when men



ceased to think it a necessity of nature that their governors should



be an independent power察opposed in interest to themselves。 It



appeared to them much better that the various magistrates of the State



should be their tenants or delegates察revocable at their pleasure。



In that way alone察it seemed察could they have complete security that



the powers of government would never be abused to their



disadvantage。 By degrees this new demand for elective and temporary



rulers became the prominent object of the exertions of the popular



party察wherever any such party existed察and superseded察to a



considerable extent察the previous efforts to limit the power of



rulers。 As the struggle proceeded for making the ruling power



emanate from the periodical choice of the ruled察some persons began to



think that too much importance had been attached to the limitation



of the power itself。 That it might seem was a resource against



rulers whose interests were habitually opposed to those of the people。



What was now wanted was察that the rulers should be identified with the



people察that their interest and will should be the interest and will



of the nation。 The nation did not need to be protected against its own



will。 There was no fear of its tyrannising over itself。 Let the rulers



be effectually responsible to it察promptly removable by it察and it



could afford to trust them with power of which it could itself dictate



the use to be made。 Their power was but the nation's own power



concentrated察and in a form convenient for exercise。 This mode of



thought察or rather perhaps of feeling察was common among the last



generation of European liberalism察in the Continental section of which



it still apparently predominates。 Those who admit any limit to what



a government may do察except in the case of such governments as they



think ought not to exist察stand out as brilliant exceptions among



the political thinkers of the Continent。 A similar tone of sentiment



might by this time have been prevalent in our own country察if the



circumstances which for a time encouraged it察had continued unaltered。



  But察in political and philosophical theories察as well as in persons



success discloses faults and infirmities which failure might have



concealed from observation。 The notion察that the people have no need



to limit their power over themselves察might seem axiomatic察when



popular government was a thing only dreamed about察or read of as



having existed at some distant period of the past。 Neither was that



notion necessarily disturbed by such temporary aberrations as those of



the French Revolution察the worst of which were the work of a



usurping few察and which察in any case察belonged察not to the permanent



working of popular institutions察but to a sudden and convulsive



outbreak against monarchical and aristocratic despotism。 In time



however察a democratic republic came to occupy a large portion of the



earth's surface察and made itself felt as one of the most powerful



members of the community of nations察and elective and responsible



government became subject to the observations and criticisms which



wait upon a great existing fact。 It was now perceived that such



phrases as ;self´government察─and ;the power of the people over



themselves察─do not express the true state of the case。 The ;people;



who exercise the power are not always the same people with those



over whom it is exercised察and the ;self´government; spoken of is



not the government of each by himself察but of each by all the rest。



The will of the people察moreover察practically means the will of 

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