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ainly　been　entirely　spontaneous；　and　had　surprised　the　Court　as　much　as　the　nation。　Nor　had　Albert's　influence　been　used　in　any　way　to　favour　the　interests　of　Russia。　As　often　happens　in　such　cases；　the　Government　had　been　swinging　backwards　and　forwards　between　two　incompatible　policiesthat　of　non…interference　and　that　of　threats　supported　by　forceeither　of　which；　if　consistently　followed；　might　well　have　had　a　successful　and　peaceful　issue；　but　which；　mingled　together；　could　only　lead　to　war。　Albert；　with　characteristic　scrupulosity；　attempted　to　thread　his　way　through　the　complicated　labyrinth　of　European　diplomacy；　and　eventually　was　lost　in　the　maze。　But　so　was　the　whole　of　the　Cabinet；　and；　when　war　came；　his　anti…Russian　feelings　were　quite　as　vehement　as　those　of　the　most　bellicose　of　Englishmen。

Nevertheless；　though　the　specific　charges　levelled　against　the　Prince　were　without　foundation；　there　were　underlying　elements　in　the　situation　which　explained；　if　they　did　not　justify；　the　popular　state　of　mind。　It　was　true　that　the　Queen's　husband　was　a　foreigner；　who　had　been　brought　up　in　a　foreign　Court；　was　impregnated　with　foreign　ideas；　and　was　closely　related　to　a　multitude　of　foreign　princes。　Clearly　this；　though　perhaps　an　unavoidable；　was　an　undesirable；　state　of　affairs；　nor　were　the　objections　to　it　merely　theoretical；　it　had　in　fact　produced　unpleasant　consequences　of　a　serious　kind。　The　Prince's　German　proclivities　were　perpetually　lamented　by　English　Ministers；　Lord　Palmerston；　Lord　Clarendon；　Lord　Aberdeen；　all　told　the　same　tale；　and　it　was　constantly　necessary；　in　grave　questions　of　national　policy；　to　combat　the　prepossessions　of　a　Court　in　which　German　views　and　German　sentiments　held　a　disproportionate　place。　As　for　Palmerston；　his　language　on　this　topic　was　apt　to　be　unbridled。　At　the　height　of　his　annoyance　over　his　resignation；　he　roundly　declared　that　he　had　been　made　a　victim　to　foreign　intrigue。　He　afterwards　toned　down　this　accusation；　but　the　mere　fact　that　such　a　suggestion　from　such　a　quarter　was　possible　at　all　showed　to　what　unfortunate　consequences　Albert's　foreign　birth　and　foreign　upbringing　might　lead。

But　this　was　not　all。　A　constitutional　question　of　the　most　profound　importance　was　raised　by　the　position　of　the　Prince　in　England。　His　presence　gave　a　new　prominence　to　an　old　problemthe　precise　definition　of　the　functions　and　the　powers　of　the　Crown。　Those　functions　and　powers　had　become；　in　effect；　his；　and　what　sort　of　use　was　he　making　of　them？　His　views　as　to　the　place　of　the　Crown　in　the　Constitution　are　easily　ascertainable；　for　they　were　Stockmar's；　and　it　happens　that　we　possess　a　detailed　account　of　Stockmar's　opinions　upon　the　subject　in　a　long　letter　addressed　by　him　to　the　Prince　at　the　time　of　this　very　crisis；　just　before　the　outbreak　of　the　Crimean　War。　Constitutional　Monarchy；　according　to　the　Baron；　had　suffered　an　eclipse　since　the　passing　of　the　Reform　Bill。　It　was　now　〃constantly　in　danger　of　becoming　a　pure　Ministerial　Government。〃　The　old　race　of　Tories；　who　〃had　a　direct　interest　in　upholding　the　prerogatives　of　the　Crown；〃　had　died　out；　and　the　Whigs　were　〃nothing　but　partly　conscious；　partly　unconscious　Republicans；　who　stand　in　the　same　relation　to　the　Throne　as　the　wolf　does　to　the　lamb。〃　There　was　a　rule　that　it　was　unconstitutional　to　introduce　〃the　name　and　person　of　the　irresponsible　Sovereign〃　into　parliamentary　debates　on　constitutional　matters；　this　was　〃a　constitutional　fiction；　which；　although　undoubtedly　of　old　standing；　was　fraught　with　danger〃；　and　the　Baron　warned　the　Prince　that　〃if　the　English　Crown　permit　a　Whig　Ministry　to　follow　this　rule　in　practice；　without　exception；　you　must　not　wonder　if　in　a　little　time　you　find　the　majority　of　the　people　impressed　with　the　belief　that　the　King；　in　the　view　of　the　law；　is　nothing　but　a　mandarin　figure；　which　has　to　nod　its　head　in　assent；　or　shake　it　in　denial；　as　his　Minister　pleases。〃　To　prevent　this　from　happening；　it　was　of　extreme　importance；　said　the　Baron；　〃that　no　opportunity　should　be　let　slip　of　vindicating　the　legitimate　position　of　the　Crown。〃　〃And　this　is　not　hard　to　do；〃　he　added；　〃and　can　never　embarrass　a　Minister　where　such　straightforward　loyal　personages　as　the　Queen　and　the　Prince　are　concerned。〃　In　his　opinion；　the　very　lowest　claim　of　the　Royal　Prerogative　should　include　〃a　right　on　the　part　of　the　King　to　be　the　permanent　President　of　his　Ministerial　Council。〃　The　Sovereign　ought　to　be　〃in　the　position　of　a　permanent　Premier；　who　takes　rank　above　the　temporary　head　of　the　Cabinet；　and　in　matters　of　discipline　exercises　supreme　authority。〃　The　Sovereign　〃may　even　take　a　part　in　the　initiation　and　the　maturing　of　the　Government　measures；　for　it　would　be　unreasonable　to　expect　that　a　king；　himself　as　able；　as　accomplished；　and　as　patriotic　as　the　best　of　his　Ministers；　should　be　prevented　from　making　use　of　these　qualities　at　the　deliberations　of　his　Council。〃　〃The　judicious　exercise　of　this　right；〃　concluded　the　Baron；　〃which　certainly　requires　a　master　mind；　would　not　only　be　the　best　guarantee　for　Constitutional　Monarchy；　but　would　raise　it　to　a　height　of　power；　stability；　and　symmetry；　which　has　never　been　attained。〃

Now　it　may　be　that　this　reading　of　the　Constitution　is　a　possible　one；　though　indeed　it　is　hard　to　see　how　it　can　be　made　compatible　with　the　fundamental　doctrine　of　ministerial　responsibility。　William　III　presided　over　his　Council；　and　he　was　a　constitutional　monarch；　and　it　seems　that　Stockmar　had　in　his　mind　a　conception　of　the　Crown　which　would　have　given　it　a　place　in　the　Constitution　analogous　to　that　which　it　filled　at　the　time　of　William　III。　But　it　is　clear　that　such　a　theory；　which　would　invest　the　Crown　with　more　power　than　it　possessed　even　under　George　III；　runs　counter　to　the　whole　development　of　English　public　life　since　the　Revolution；　and　the　fact　that　it　was　held　by　Stockmar；　and　instilled　by　him　into　Albert；　was　of　very　serious　importance。　For　there　was　good　reason　to　believe　not　only　that　these　doctrines　were　held　by　Albert　in　theory；　but　that　he　was　making　a　deliberate　and　sustained　attempt　to　give　them　practical　validity。　The　history　of　the　struggle　between　the　Crown　and　Palmerston　provided　startling　evidence　that　this　was　the　case。　That　struggle　reached　its　culmination　when；　in　Stockmar's　memorandum　of　1850；　the　Queen　asserted　her　〃constitutional　right〃　to　dismiss　the　Foreign　Secretary　if　he　altered　a　despatch　which　had　received　her　sanction。　The　memorandum　was；　in　fact；　a　plain　declaration　that　the　Crown　intended　to　act　independently　of　the　Prime　Minister。　Lord　John　Russell；　anxious　at　all　costs　to　strengthen　himself　against　Palmerston；　accepted　the　memorandum；　and　thereby　implicitly　allowed　the　claim　of　the　Crown。　More　than　that；　after　the　dismissal　of　Palmerston；　among　the　grounds　on　which　Lord　John　justified　that　dismissal　in　the　House　of　Commons　he　gave　a　prominent　place　to　the　memorandum　of　1850。　It　became　apparent　that　the　displeasure　of　the　Sovereign　might　be　a　reason　for　the　removal　of　a　powerful　and　popular　Minister。　It　seemed　indeed　as　if；　under　the　guidance　of　Stockmar　and　Albert；　the　〃Constitutional　Monarchy〃　might　in　very　truth　be　rising　〃to　a　height　of　power；　stability；　and　symmetry；　which　had　never　been　attained。〃

But　this　new　development　in　the　position　of　the　Crown；　grave　as　it　was　in　itself；　was　rendered　peculiarly　disquieting　by　the　unusual　circumstances　which　surrounded　it。　For　the　functions　of　the　Crown　were　now；　in　effect；　being　exercised　by　a　person　unknown　to　the　Constitution；　who　wielded　over　the　Sovereign　an　undefined　and　unbounded　influence。　The　fact　that　this　person　was　the　Sovereign's　husband；　while　it　explained　his　influence　and　even　made　it　inevitable；　by　no　means　diminished　its　strange　and　momentous　import。　An　ambiguous；　prepotent　figure　had　come　to　disturb　the　ancient；　subtle；　and　jealously　guarded　balance　of　the　English　Constitution。　Such　had　been　the　unexpected　outcome　of　the　tentative　and　fainthearted　opening　of　Albert's　political　life。　He　himself　made　no　attempt　to　minimise　either　the　multiplicity　or　the　significance　of　the　functions　he　performed。　He　considered　that　it　was　his　duty；　he　told　the　Duke　of　Wellington　in　1850；　to　〃sink　his　OWN　INDIVIDUAL　existence　in　that　of　his　wifeassume　no　separate　responsibility　before　the　public；　but　make　his　position　entirely　a　part　of　hersfill　up　every　gap　which；　as　a　woman；　she　would　naturally　leave　in　the　exercise　of　her　regal　functionscontinually　and　anxiously　watch　every　part　of　the　public　business；　in　order　to　be　able　to　advise　and　assist　her　at　any　moment　in　any　of　the　multifarious　and　difficult　questions　or　duties　brought　before　her；　sometimes　international；　sometimes　political；　or　social；　or　personal。　As　the　natural　head　of　her　family；　superintendent　of　her　household；　manager　of　her　private　affairs；　sole　CONFIDENTIAL　adviser　in　politics；　and　only　assistant　in　her　communications　with　the　officers　of　the　Government；　he　is；　besides；　the　husband　of　the　Queen；　the　tutor　of　the　royal　children；　the　private　secretary　of　the　Sovereign；　and　her　permanent　minister。〃　Stockmar's　pupil　had　assuredly　gone　far　and　learnt　well。　Stockmar's　pupil！precisely；　the　public；　painfully　aware