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is　nothing　in　precedent；　therefore；　which；　if　its　authority　were

admitted；　ought　to　weigh　in　favor　of　the　act　before　me。〃



I　drop　the　quotations　merely　to　remark　that　all　there　ever　was　in

the　way　of　precedent　up　to　the　Dred　Scott　decision；　on　the　points

therein　decided；　had　been　against　that　decision。　　But　hear

General　Jackson　further：



〃If　the　opinion　of　the　Supreme　Court　covered　the　whole　ground　of

this　act；　it　ought　not　to　control　the　coordinate　authorities　of

this　government。　　The　Congress；　the　executive；　and　the　courts

must；　each　for　itself；　be　guided　by　its　own　opinion　of　the

Constitution。　　Each　public　officer　who　takes　an　oath　to　support

the　Constitution　swears　that　he　will　support　it　as　he　understands

it；　and　not　as　it　is　understood　by　others。〃



Again　and　again　have　I　heard　Judge　Douglas　denounce　that　bank

decision　and　applaud　General　Jackson　for　disregarding　it。　　It

would　be　interesting　for　him　to　look　over　his　recent　speech；　and

see　how　exactly　his　fierce　philippics　against　us　for　resisting

Supreme　Court　decisions　fall　upon　his　own　head。　　It　will　call　to

mind　a　long　and　fierce　political　war　in　this　country；　upon　an

issue　which；　in　his　own　language；　and；　of　course；　in　his　own

changeless　estimation；　was　a　distinct　issue　between　the　friends

and　the　enemies　of　the　Constitution；〃　and　in　which　war　he　fought

in　the　ranks　of　the　enemies　of　the　Constitution。



I　have　said；　in　substance；　that　the　Dred　Scott　decision　was　in

part　based　on　assumed　historical　facts　which　were　not　really

true；　and　I　ought　not　to　leave　the　subject　without　giving　some

reasons　for　saying　this；　I　therefore　give　an　instance　or　two；

which　I　think　fully　sustain　me。　　Chief　Justice　Taney；　in

delivering　the　opinion　of　the　majority　of　the　court；　insists　at

great　length　that　negroes　were　no　part　of　the　people　who　made；　or

for　whom　was　made；　the　Declaration　of　Independence；　or　the

Constitution　of　the　United　States。



On　the　contrary；　Judge　Curtis；　in　his　dissenting　opinion；　shows

that　in　five　of　the　then　thirteen　Statesto　wit；　New　Hampshire；

Massachusetts；　New　York；　New　Jersey；　and　North　Carolinafree

negroes　were　voters；　and　in　proportion　to　their　numbers　had　the

same　part　in　making　the　Constitution　that　the　white　people　had。

He　shows　this　with　so　much　particularity　as　to　leave　no　doubt　of

its　truth；　and　as　a　sort　of　conclusion　on　that　point；　holds　the

following　language：



〃The　Constitution　was　ordained　and　established　by　the　people　of

the　United　States；　through　the　action；　in　each　State；　of　those

persons　who　were　qualified　by　its　laws　to　act　thereon　in　behalf

of　themselves　and　all　other　citizens　of　the　State。　　In　some　of

the　States；　as　we　have　seen；　colored　persons　were　among　those

qualified　by　law　to　act　on　the　subject。　　These　colored　persons

were　not　only　included　in　the　body　of　'the　people　of　the　United

States'　by　whom　the　Constitution　was　ordained　and　established；

but　in　at　least　five　of　the　States　they　had　the　power　to　act；　and

doubtless　did　act；　by　their　suffrages；　upon　the　question　of　its

adoption。〃



Again；　Chief　Justice　Taney　says：



〃It　is　difficult　at　this　day　to　realize　the　state　of　public

opinion；　in　relation　to　that　unfortunate　race；　which　prevailed　in

the　civilized　and　enlightened　portions　of　the　world　at　the　time

of　the　Declaration　of　Independence；　and　when　the　Constitution　of

the　United　States　was　framed　and　adopted。〃



And　again；　after　quoting　from　the　Declaration；　he　says：



〃The　general　words　above　quoted　would　seem　to　include　the　whole

human　family；　and　if　they　were　used　in　a　similar　instrument　at

this　day；　would　be　so　understood。〃



In　these　the　Chief　Justice　does　not　directly　assert；　but　plainly

assumes　as　a　fact；　that　the　public　estimate　of　the　black　man　is

more　favorable　now　than　it　was　in　the　days　of　the　Revolution。

This　assumption　is　a　mistake。　　In　some　trifling　particulars　the

condition　of　that　race　has　been　ameliorated；　but　as　a　whole；　in

this　country；　the　change　between　then　and　now　is　decidedly　the

other　way；　and　their　ultimate　destiny　has　never　appeared　so

hopeless　as　in　the　last　three　or　four　years。　　In　two　of　the　five

StatesNew　Jersey　and　North　Carolinathat　then　gave　the　free

negro　the　right　of　voting；　the　right　has　since　been　taken　away；

and　in　a　thirdNew　Yorkit　has　been　greatly　abridged；　while　it

has　not　been　extended；　so　far　as　I　know；　to　a　single　additional

State；　though　the　number　of　the　States　has　more　than　doubled。　　In

those　days；　as　I　understand；　masters　could；　at　their　own

pleasure；　emancipate　their　slaves；　but　since　then　such　legal

restraints　have　been　made　upon　emancipation　as　to　amount　almost

to　prohibition。　　In　those　days　Legislatures　held　the　unquestioned

power　to　abolish　slavery　in　their　respective　States；　but　now　it

is　becoming　quite　fashionable　for　State　constitutions　to　withhold

that　power　from　the　Legislatures。　　In　those　days；　by　common

consent；　the　spread　of　the　black　man's　bondage　to　the　new

countries　was　prohibited；　but　now　Congress　decides　that　it　will

not　continue　the　prohibition；　and　the　Supreme　Court　decides　that

it　could　not　if　it　would。　　In　those　days　our　Declaration　of

Independence　was　held　sacred　by　all；　and　thought　to　include　all；

but　now；　to　aid　in　making　the　bondage　of　the　negro　universal　and

eternal；　it　is　assailed　and　sneered　at　and　construed　and　hawked

at　and　torn；　till；　if　its　framers　could　rise　from

their　graves；　they　could　not　at　all　recognize　it。　　All　the　powers

of　earth　seem　rapidly　combining　against　him。　　Mammon　is　after

him；　ambition　follows；　philosophy　follows；　and　the　theology　of

the　day　fast　joining　the　cry。　　They　have　him　in　his　prison　house；

they　have　searched　his　person；　and　left　no　prying　instrument　with

him。　　One　after　another　they　have　closed　the　heavy　iron　doors

upon　him；　and　now　they　have　him；　as　it　were；　bolted　in　with　a

lock　of　hundred　keys；　which　can　never　be　unlocked　without　the

concurrence　of　every　keythe　keys　in　the　hands　of　a　hundred

different　men；　and　they　scattered　to　hundred　different　and

distant　places；　and　they　stand　musing　as　to　what　invention；　in

all　the　dominions　of　mind　and　matter；　can　be　produced　to　make　the

impossibility　of　his　escape　more　complete　than　it　is。



It　is　grossly　incorrect　to　say　or　assume　that　the　public　estimate

of　the　negro　is　more　favorable　now　than　it　was　at　the　origin　of

the　government。



Three　years　and　a　half　ago；　Judge　Douglas　brought　forward　his

famous　Nebraska　Bill。　　The　country　was　at　once　in　a　blaze。　　He

scorned　all　opposition；　and　carried　it　through　Congress。　　Since

then　he　has　seen　himself　superseded　in　a　Presidential　nomination

by　one　indorsing　the　general　doctrine　of　his　measure；　but　at　the

same　time　standing　clear　of　the　odium　of　its　untimely　agitation

and　its　gross　breach　of　national　faith；　and　he　has　seen　that

successful　rival　constitutionally　elected；　not　by　the　strength　of

friends；　but　by　the　division　of　adversaries；　being　in　a　popular

minority　of　nearly　four　hundred　thousand　votes。　　He　has　seen　his

chief　aids　in　his　own　State；　Shields　and　Richardson；　politically

speaking；　successively　tried；　convicted；　and　executed　for　an

offence　not　their　own　but　his。　　And　now　he　sees　his　own　case

standing　next　on　the　docket　for　trial。



There　is　a　natural　disgust　in　the　minds　of　nearly　all　white

people　at　the　idea　of　an　indiscriminate　amalgamation　of　the　white

and　black　races；　and　Judge　Douglas　evidently　is　basing　his　chief

hope　upon　the　chances　of　his　being　able　to　appropriate　the

benefit　of　this　disgust　to　himself。　　If　he　can；　by　much　drumming

and　repeating；　fasten　the　odium　of　that　idea　upon　his

adversaries；　he　thinks　he　can　struggle　through　the　storm。　　He

therefore　clings　to　this　hope；　as　a　drowning　man　to　the　last

plank。　　He　makes　an　occasion　for　lugging　it　in　from　the

opposition　to　the　Dred　Scott　decision。　　He　finds　the　Republicans

insisting　that　the　Declaration　of　Independence　includes　all　men；

black　as　well　as　white；　and　forthwith　he　boldly　denies　that　it

includes　negroes　at　all；　and　proceeds　to　argue　gravely　that　all

who　contend　it　does；　do　so　only　because　they　want　to　vote；　and

eat；　and　sleep；　and　marry　with　negoes。　　He　will　have　it　that　they

cannot　be　consistent　else。　　Now　I　protest　against　the　counterfeit

logic　which　concludes　that；　because　I　do　not　want　a　black　woman

for　a　slave　I　must　necessarily　want　her　for　a　wife。　　I　need　not

have　her　for　either。　　I　can　just　leave　her　alone。　　In　some

respects　she　certainly　is　not　my　equal；　but　in　her　natural　right

to　eat　the　bread　she　earns　with　her　own　hands；　without　asking

leave　of　any　one　else；　she　is　my　equal　and　the　equal　of　all

others。



Chief　Justice　Taney；　in　his　opinion　in　the　Dred　Scott　case；

admits　that　the　language　of　the　Declaration　is　broad　enough　to

include　the　whole　human　family；　but　he　and　Judge　Douglas　argue

that　the　authors　of　that　instrument　did　not　intend　to　include

negroes；　by　the　fact　that　they　did　not　at　onc