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of the known will of their constituents。 It is maintained in
violence; because the elections since clearly demand its repeal;
and the demand is openly disregarded。
You say men ought to be hung for the way they are executing the
law; I say the way it is being executed is quite as good as any
of its antecedents。 It is being executed in the precise way
which was intended from the first; else why does no Nebraska man
express astonishment or condemnation? Poor Reeder is the only
public man who has been silly enough to believe that anything
like fairness was ever intended; and he has been bravely
undeceived。
That Kansas will form a slave constitution; and with it will ask
to be admitted into the Union; I take to be already a settled
question; and so settled by the very means you so pointedly
condemn。 By every principle of law ever held by any court North
or South; every negro taken to Kansas is free; yet; in utter
disregard of this;in the spirit of violence merely;that
beautiful Legislature gravely passes a law to hang any man who
shall venture to inform a negro of his legal rights。 This is the
subject and real object of the law。 If; like Haman; they should
hang upon the gallows of their own building; I shall not be among
the mourners for their fate。 In my humble sphere; I shall
advocate the restoration of the Missouri Compromise so long as
Kansas remains a Territory; and when; by all these foul means; it
seeks to come into the Union as a slave State; I shall oppose it。
I am very loath in any case to withhold my assent to the
enjoyment of property acquired or located in good faith; but I do
not admit that good faith in taking a negro to Kansas to be held
in slavery is a probability with any man。 Any man who has sense
enough to be the controller of his own property has too much
sense to misunderstand the outrageous character of the whole
Nebraska business。 But I digress。 In my opposition to the
admission of Kansas I shall have some company; but we may be
beaten。 If we are; I shall not on that account attempt to
dissolve the Union。 I think it probable; however; we shall be
beaten。 Standing as a unit among yourselves; You can; directly
and indirectly; bribe enough of our men to carry the day; as you
could on the open proposition to establish a monarchy。 Get hold
of some man in the North whose position and ability is such that
he can make the support of your measure; whatever it may be; a
Democratic party necessity; and the thing is done。 Apropos of
this; let me tell you an anecdote。 Douglas introduced the
Nebraska Bill in January。 In February afterward there was a
called session of the Illinois Legislature。 Of the one hundred
members composing the two branches of that body; about seventy
were Democrats。 These latter held a caucus in which the Nebraska
Bill was talked of; if not formally discussed。 It was thereby
discovered that just three; and no more; were in favor of the
measure。 In a day or two Douglas's orders came on to have
resolutions passed approving the bill; and they were passed by
large majorities!!!! The truth of this is vouched for by a
bolting Democratic member。 The masses; too; Democratic as well
as Whig; were even nearer unanimous against it; but; as soon as
the party necessity of supporting it became apparent; the way the
Democrats began to see the wisdom and justice of it was perfectly
astonishing。
You say that if Kansas fairly votes herself a free State; as a
Christian you will rejoice at it。 All decent slaveholders talk
that way; and I do not doubt their candor。 But they never vote
that way。 Although in a private letter or conversation you will
express your preference that Kansas shall be free; you would vote
for no man for Congress who would say the same thing publicly。
No such man could be elected from any district in a slave State。
You think Stringfellow and company ought to be hung; and yet at
the next Presidential election you will vote for the exact type
and representative of Stringfellow。 The slave…breeders and
slave…traders are a small; odious; and detested class among you;
and yet in politics they dictate the course of all of you; and
are as completely your masters as you are the master of your own
negroes。 You inquire where I now stand。 That is a disputed
point。 I think I am a Whig; but others say there are no Whigs;
and that I am an Abolitionist。 When I was at Washington; I voted
for the Wilmot Proviso as good as forty times; and I never heard
of any one attempting to un…Whig me for that。 I now do no more
than oppose the extension of slavery。 I am not a Know…Nothing;
that is certain。 How could I be? How can any one who abhors the
oppression of negroes be in favor of degrading classes of white
people? Our progress in degeneracy appears to me to be pretty
rapid。 As a nation we began by declaring that 〃all men are
created equal。〃 We now practically read it 〃all men are created
equal; except negroes。〃 When the Know…Nothings get control; it
will read 〃all men are created equal; except negroes and
foreigners and Catholics。〃 When it comes to this; I shall prefer
emigrating to some country where they make no pretense of loving
liberty;to Russia; for instance; where despotism can be taken
pure; and without the base alloy of hypocrisy。
Mary will probably pass a day or two in Louisville in October。
My kindest regards to Mrs。 Speed。 On the leading subject of
this letter I have more of her sympathy than I have of yours; and
yet let me say I am;
Your friend forever;
A。 LINCOLN。
1856
REQUEST FOR A RAILWAY PASS
TO R。 P。 MORGAN
SPRINGFIELD; February 13; 1856。
R。 P。 MORGAN; ESQ。:
Says Tom to John; 〃Here's your old rotten wheelbarrow。 I've
broke it usin' on it。 I wish you would mend it; 'case I shall
want to borrow it this arternoon。〃 Acting on this as a
precedent; I say; 〃Here's your old 'chalked hat;I wish you
would take it and send me a new one; 'case I shall want to use it
the first of March。〃
Yours truly;
A。 LINCOLN
(A 'chalked hat' was the common term; at that time; for a
railroad pass。)
SPEECH DELIVERED BEFORE THE FIRST REPUBLICAN
STATE CONVENTION OF ILLINOIS;
HELD AT BLOOMINGTON; ON MAY 29; 1856。
'From the Report by William C。 Whitney。'
(Mr。 Whitney's notes were made at the time; but not written out
until 1896。 He does not claim that the speech; as here reported;
is literally correct only that he has followed the argument; and
that in many cases the sentences are as Mr。 Lincoln spoke them。)
Mr。 CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN: I was over at 'Cries of 〃Platform!〃
〃Take the platform!〃'I say; that while I was at Danville Court;
some of our friends of Anti…Nebraska got together in Springfield
and elected me as one delegate to represent old Sangamon with
them in this convention; and I am here certainly as a sympathizer
in this movement and by virtue of that meeting and selection。
But we can hardly be called delegates strictly; inasmuch as;
properly speaking; we represent nobody but ourselves。 I think it
altogether fair to say that we have no Anti…Nebraska party in
Sangamon; although there is a good deal of Anti…Nebraska feeling
there; but I say for myself; and I think I may speak also for my
colleagues; that we who are here fully approve of the platform
and of all that has been done 'A voice; 〃Yes!;〃'; and even if we
are not regularly delegates; it will be right for me to answer
your call to speak。 I suppose we truly stand for the public
sentiment of Sangamon on the great question of the repeal;
although we do not yet represent many numbers who have taken a
distinct position on the question。
We are in a trying timeit ranges above mere partyand this
movement to call a halt and turn our steps backward needs all the
help and good counsels it can get; for unless popular opinion
makes itself very strongly felt; and a change is made in our
present course; blood will flow on account of Nebraska; and
brother's hands will be raised against brother!
'The last sentence was uttered in such an earnest; impressive; if
not; indeed; tragic; manner; as to make a cold chill creep over
me。 Others gave a similar experience。'
I have listened with great interest to the earnest appeal made to
Illinois men by the gentleman from Lawrence 'James S。 Emery' who
has just addressed us so eloquently and forcibly。 I was deeply
moved by his statement of the wrongs done to free…State men out
there。 I think it just to say that all true men North should
sympathize with them; and ought to be willing to do any possible
and needful thing to right their wrongs。 But we must not promise
what we ought not; lest we be called on to perform what we
cannot; we must be calm and moderate; and consider the whole
difficulty; and determine what is possible and just。 We mus