the writings-2-第38节

按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！



there。　　The　whole　nation　is　interested　that　the　best　use　shall　be

made　of　these　Territories。　　We　want　them　for　homes　of　free　white

people。　　This　they　cannot　be；　to　any　considerable　extent；　if

slavery　shall　be　planted　within　them。　　Slave　States　are　places

for　poor　white　people　to　remove　from；　not　to　remove　to。　　New　free

States　are　the　places　for　poor　people　to　go　to；　and　better　their

condition。　　For　this　use　the　nation　needs　these　Territories。



Still　further：　there　are　constitutional　relations　between　the

slave　and　free　States　which　are　degrading　to　the　latter。　　We　are

under　legal　obligations　to　catch　and　return　their　runaway　slaves

to　them：　a　sort　of　dirty；　disagreeable　job；　which；　I　believe；　as

a　general　rule；　the　slaveholders　will　not　perform　for　one

another。　　Then　again；　in　the　control　of　the　governmentthe

management　of　the　partnership　affairsthey　have　greatly　the

advantage　of　us。　　By　the　Constitution　each　State　has　two

senators；　each　has　a　number　of　representatives　in　proportion　to

the　number　of　its　people；　and　each　has　a　number　of　Presidential

electors　equal　to　the　whole　number　of　its　senators　and

representatives　together。　　But　in　ascertaining　the　number　of　the

people　for　this　purpose；　five　slaves　are　counted　as　being　equal

to　three　whites。　　The　slaves　do　not　vote；　they　are　only　counted

and　so　used　as　to　swell　the　influence　of　the　white　people's

votes。　　The　practical　effect　of　this　is　more　aptly　shown　by　a

comparison　of　the　States　of　South　Carolina　and　Maine。　　South

Carolina　has　six　representatives；　and　so　has　Maine；　South

Carolina　has　eight　Presidential　electors；　and　so　has　Maine。　　This

is　precise　equality　so　far；　and　of　course　they　are　equal　in

senators；　each　having　two。　　Thus　in　the　control　of　the　government

the　two　States　are　equals　precisely。　　But　how　are　they　in　the

number　of　their　white　people？　　Maine　has　581；813；　while　South

Carolina　has　274；567；　Maine　has　twice　as　many　as　South　Carolina；

and　32；679　over。　　Thus；　each　white　man　in　South　Carolina　is　more

than　the　double　of　any　man　in　Maine。　　This　is　all　because　South

Carolina；　besides　her　free　people；　has　384；984　slaves。　　The　South

Carolinian　has　precisely　the　same　advantage　over　the　white　man　in

every　other　free　State　as　well　as　in　Maine。　　He　is　more　than　the

double　of　any　one　of　us　in　this　crowd。　　The　same　advantage；　but

not　to　the　same　extent；　is　held　by　all　the　citizens　of　the　slave

States　over　those　of　the　free；　and　it　is　an　absolute　truth；

without　an　exception；　that　there　is　no　voter　in　any　slave　State

but　who　has　more　legal　power　in　the　government　than　any　voter　in

any　free　State。　　There　is　no　instance　of　exact　equality；　and　the

disadvantage　is　against　us　the　whole　chapter　through。　　This

principle；　in　the　aggregate；　gives　the　slave　States　in　the

present　Congress　twenty　additional　representatives；　being　seven

more　than　the　whole　majority　by　which　they　passed　the　Nebraska

Bill。



Now　all　this　is　manifestly　unfair；　yet　I　do　not　mention　it　to

complain　of　it；　in　so　far　as　it　is　already　settled。　　It　is　in　the

Constitution；　and　I　do　not　for　that　cause；　or　any　other　cause；

propose　to　destroy；　or　alter；　or　disregard　the　Constitution。　　I

stand　to　it；　fairly；　fully；　and　firmly。



But　when　I　am　told　I　must　leave　it　altogether　to　other　people　to

say　whether　new　partners　are　to　be　bred　up　and　brought　into　the

firm；　on　the　same　degrading　terms　against　me；　I　respectfully

demur。　　I　insist　that　whether　I　shall　be　a　whole　man　or　only　the

half　of　one；　in　comparison　with　others　is　a　question　in　which　I

am　somewhat　concerned；　and　one　which　no　other　man　can　have　a

sacred　right　of　deciding　for　me。　　If　I　am　wrong　in　this；　if　it

really　be　a　sacred　right　of　self…government　in　the　man　who　shall

go　to　Nebraska　to　decide　whether　he　will　be　the　equal　of　me　or

the　double　of　me；　then；　after　he　shall　have　exercised　that　right；

and　thereby　shall　have　reduced　me　to　a　still　smaller　fraction　of

a　man　than　I　already　am；　I　should　like　for　some　gentleman；　deeply

skilled　in　the　mysteries　of　sacred　rights；　to　provide　himself

with　a　microscope；　and　peep　about；　and　find　out；　if　he　can；　what

has　become　of　my　sacred　rights。　　They　will　surely　be　too　small

for　detection　with　the　naked　eye。



Finally；　I　insist　that　if　there　is　anything　which　it　is　the　duty

of　the　whole　people　to　never　intrust　to　any　hands　but　their　own；

that　thing　is　the　preservation　and　perpetuity　of　their　own

liberties　and　institutions。　　And　if　they　shall　think　as　I　do；

that　the　extension　of　slavery　endangers　them　more　than　any　or　all

other　causes；　how　recreant　to　themselves　if　they　submit　The

question；　and　with　it　the　fate　of　their　country；　to　a　mere

handful　of　men　bent　only　on　seif…interest。　　If　this　question　of

slavery　extension　were　an　insignificant　one；　one　having　no　power

to　do　harmit　might　be　shuffled　aside　in　this　way；　and　being；　as

it　is；　the　great　Behemoth　of　danger；　shall　the　strong　grip　of　the

nation　be　loosened　upon　him；　to　intrust　him　to　the　hands　of　such

feeble　keepers？



I　have　done　with　this　mighty　argument　of　self…government。　　Go；

sacred　thing！　Go　in　peace。



But　Nebraska　is　urged　as　a　great　Union…saving　measure。　　Well；　I

too　go　for　saving　the　Union。　　Much　as　I　hate　slavery；　I　would

consent　to　the　extension　of　it　rather　than　see　the　Union

dissolved；　just　as　I　would　consent　to　any　great　evil　to　avoid　a

greater　one。　　But　when　I　go　to　Union…saving；　I　must　believe；　at

least；　that　the　means　I　employ　have　some　adaptation　to　the　end。

To　my　mind；　Nebraska　has　no　such　adaptation。



〃It　hath　no　relish　of　salvation　in　it。〃



It　is　an　aggravation；　rather；　of　the　only　one　thing　which　ever

endangers　the　Union。　　When　it　came　upon　us；　all　was　peace　and

quiet。　　The　nation　was　looking　to　the　forming　of　new　bends　of

union；　and　a　long　course　of　peace　and　prosperity　seemed　to　lie

before　us。　　In　the　whole　range　of　possibility；　there　scarcely

appears　to　me　to　have　been　anything　out　of　which　the　slavery

agitation　could　have　been　revived；　except　the　very　project　of

repealing　the　Missouri　Compromise。　　Every　inch　of　territory　we

owned　already　had　a　definite　settlement　of　the　slavery　question；

by　which　all　parties　were　pledged　to　abide。　　Indeed；　there　was　no

uninhabited　country　on　the　continent　which　we　could　acquire；　if

we　except　some　extreme　northern　regions　which　are　wholly　out　of

the　question。



In　this　state　of　affairs　the　Genius　of　Discord　himself　could

scarcely　have　invented　a　way　of　again　setting　us　by　the　ears　but

by　turning　back　and　destroying　the　peace　measures　of　the　past。

The　counsels　of　that　Genius　seem　to　have　prevailed。　　The　Missouri

Compromise　was　repealed；　and　here　we　are　in　the　midst　of　a　new

slavery　agitation；　such；　I　think；　as　we　have　never　seen　before。

Who　is　responsible　for　this？　　Is　it　those　who　resist　the　measure；

or　those　who　causelessly　brought　it　forward；　and　pressed　it

through；　having　reason　to　know；　and　in　fact　knowing；　it　must　and

would　be　so　resisted？　　It　could　not　but　be　expected　by　its　author

that　it　would　be　looked　upon　as　a　measure　for　the　extension　of

slavery；　aggravated　by　a　gross　breach　of　faith。



Argue　as　you　will　and　long　as　you　will；　this　is　the　naked　front

and　aspect　of　the　measure。　　And　in　this　aspect　it　could　not　but

produce　agitation。　　Slavery　is　founded　in　the　selfishness　of

man's　natureopposition　to　it　in　his　love　of　justice。　　These

principles　are　at　eternal　antagonism；　and　when　brought　into

collision　so　fiercely　as　slavery　extension　brings　them；　shocks

and　throes　and　convulsions　must　ceaselessly　follow。　　Repeal　the

Missouri　Compromise；　repeal　all　compromises；　repeal　the

Declaration　of　Independence；　repeal　all　past　history；　you　still

cannot　repeal　human　nature。　　It　still　will　be　the　abundance　of

man's　heart　that　slavery　extension　is　wrong；　and　out　of　the

abundance　of　his　heart　his　mouth　will　continue　to　speak。



The　structure；　too；　of　the　Nebraska　Bill　is　very　peculiar。　　The

people　are　to　decide　the　question　of　slavery　for　themselves；　but

when　they　are　to　decide；　or　how　they　are　to　decide；　or　whether；

when　the　question　is　once　decided；　it　is　to　remain　so　or　is　to　be

subject　to　an　indefinite　succession　of　new　trials；　the　law　does

not　say。　　Is　it　to　be　decided　by　the　first　dozen　settlers　who

arrive　there；　or　is　it　to　await　the　arrival　of　a　hundred？　　Is　it

to　be　decided　by　a　vote　of　the　people　or　a　vote　of　the

Legislature；　or；　indeed；　by　a　vote　of　any　sort？　　To　these

questions　the　law　gives　no　answer。　　There　is　a　mystery　about

this；　for　when　a　member　proposed　to　give　the　Legislature　express

authority　to　exclude　slavery；　it　was　hooted　down　by　the　friends

of　the　bill。　　This　fact　is　worth　remembering。　　Some　Yankees　in

the　East　are　sending　emigrants　to　Nebraska　to　exclude　slavery

from　it；　and；　so　far　as　I　can　judge；　they　expect　the　question　to

be　decided　by　voting　in　some　way　or　other。　　But　the　Missourians

are　awake；　too。　　They　are　within　a　stone's…throw　of　the　contested