the writings-2-第29节
按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页,按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页,按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部!
————未阅读完?加入书签已便下次继续阅读!
his country partly because it was his own country; and mostly
because it was a free country; and he burned with a zeal for its
advancement; prosperity; and glory; because he saw in such the
advancement; prosperity; and glory of human liberty; human right;
and human nature。 He desired the prosperity of his countrymen;
partly because they were his countrymen; but chiefly to show to
the world that free men could be prosperous。
That his views and measures were always the wisest needs not to
be affirmed; nor should it be on this occasion; where so many
thinking differently join in doing honor to his memory。 A free
people in times of peace and quiet when pressed by no common
danger…naturally divide into parties。 At such times the man who
is of neither party is not; cannot be; of any consequence。 Mr。
Clay therefore was of a party。 Taking a prominent part; as he
did; in all the great political questions of his country for the
last half century; the wisdom of his course on many is doubted
and denied by a large portion of his countrymen; and of such it
is not now proper to speak particularly。 But there are many
others; about his course upon which there is little or no
disagreement amongst intelligent and patriotic Americans。 Of
these last are the War of 1812; the Missouri question;
nullification; and the now recent compromise measures。 In 1812
Mr。 Clay; though not unknown; was still a young man。 Whether we
should go to war with Great Britain being the question of the
day; a minority opposed the declaration of war by Congress; while
the majority; though apparently inclined to war; had for years
wavered; and hesitated to act decisively。 Meanwhile British
aggressions multiplied; and grew more daring and aggravated。 By
Mr。 Clay more than any other man the struggle was brought to a
decision in Congress。 The question; being now fully before
Congress; came up in a variety of ways in rapid succession; on
most of which occasions Mr。 Clay spoke。 Adding to all the logic
of which the subject was susceptible that noble inspiration which
came to him as it came to no other; he aroused and nerved and
inspired his friends; and confounded and bore down all
opposition。 Several of his speeches on these occasions were
reported and are still extant; but the best of them all never
was。 During its delivery the reporters forgot their vocation;
dropped their pens; and sat enchanted from near the beginning to
quite the close。 The speech now lives only in the memory of a
few old men; and the enthusiasm with which they cherish their
recollection of it is absolutely astonishing。 The precise
language of this speech we shall never know; but we do know we
cannot help knowingthat with deep pathos it pleaded the cause
of the injured sailor; that it invoked the genius of the
Revolution; that it apostrophized the names of Otis; of Henry;
and of Washington; that it appealed to the interests; the pride;
the honor; and the glory of the nation; that it shamed and
taunted the timidity of friends; that it scorned and scouted and
withered the temerity of domestic foes; that it bearded and
defied the British lion; and; rising and swelling and maddening
in its course; it sounded the onset; till the charge; the shock;
the steady struggle; and the glorious victory all passed in vivid
review before the entranced hearers。
Important and exciting as was the war question of 1812; it never
so alarmed the sagacious statesmen of the country for the safety
of the Republic as afterward did the Missouri question。 This
sprang from that unfortunate source of discordnegro slavery。
When our Federal Constitution was adopted; we owned no territory
beyond the limits or ownership of the States; except the
territory northwest of the River Ohio and east of the
Mississippi。 What has since been formed into the States of
Maine; Kentucky and Tennessee; was; I believe; within the limits
of or owned by Massachusetts; Virginia; and North Carolina。 As
to the Northwestern Territory; provision had been made even
before the adoption of the Constitution that slavery should never
go there。 On the admission of States into the Union; carved from
the territory we owned before the Constitution; no question; or
at most no considerable question; arose about slaverythose
which were within the limits of or owned by the old States
following respectively the condition of the parent State; and
those within the Northwest Territory following the previously
made provision。 But in 1803 we purchased Louisiana of the
French; and it included with much more what has since been formed
into the State of Missouri。 With regard to it; nothing had been
done to forestall the question of slavery。 When; therefore; in
1819; Missouri; having formed a State constitution without
excluding slavery; and with slavery already actually existing
within its limits; knocked at the door of the Union for
admission; almost the entire representation of the non…
slaveholding States objected。 A fearful and angry struggle
instantly followed。 This alarmed thinking men more than any
previous question; because; unlike all the former; it divided the
country by geographical lines。 Other questions had their
opposing partisans in all localities of the country and in almost
every family; so that no division of the Union could follow such
without a separation of friends to quite as great an extent as
that of opponents。 Not so with the Missouri question。 On this a
geographical line could be traced; which in the main would
separate opponents only。 This was the danger。 Mr。 Jefferson;
then in retirement; wrote:
〃I had for a long time ceased to read newspapers or to pay any
attention to public affairs; confident they were in good hands
and content to be a passenger in our bark to the shore from which
I am not distant。 But this momentous question; like a firebell
in the night; awakened and filled me with terror。 I considered
it at once as the knell of the Union。 It is hushed; indeed; for
the moment。 But this is a reprieve only; not a final sentence。
A geographical line coinciding with a marked principle; moral and
political; once conceived and held up to the angry passions of
men; will never be obliterated; and every irritation will mark it
deeper and deeper。 I can say with conscious truth that there is
not a man on earth who would sacrifice more than I would to
relieve us from this heavy reproach in any practicable way。
〃The cession of that kind of propertyfor it is so misnamedis
a bagatelle which would not cost me a second thought if in that
way a general emancipation and expatriation could be effected;
and gradually and with due sacrifices I think it might be。 But
as it is; we have the wolf by the ears; and we can neither hold
him nor safely let him go。 Justice is in one scale; and self…
preservation in the other。〃
Mr。 Clay was in Congress; and; perceiving the danger; at once
engaged his whole energies to avert it。 It began; as I have
said; in 1819 ; and it did not terminate till 1821。 Missouri
would not yield the point; and Congress that is; a majority in
Congressby repeated votes showed a determination not to admit
the State unless it should yield。 After several failures; and
great labor on the part of Mr。 Clay to so present the question
that a majority could consent to the admission; it was by a vote
rejected; and; as all seemed to think; finally。 A sullen gloom
hung over the nation。 All felt that the rejection of Missouri
was equivalent to a dissolution of the Union; because those
States which already had what Missouri was rejected for refusing
to relinquish would go with Missouri。 All deprecated and
deplored this; but none saw how to avert it。 For the judgment of
members to be convinced of the necessity of yielding was not the
whole difficulty; each had a constituency to meet and to answer
to。 Mr。 Clay; though worn down and exhausted; was appealed to by
members to renew his efforts at compromise。 He did so; and by
some judicious modifications of his plan; coupled with laborious
efforts with individual members and his own overmastering
eloquence upon that floor; he finally secured the admission of
the State。 Brightly and captivating as it had previously shown;
it was now perceived that his great eloquence was a mere
embellishment; or at most but a helping hand to his inventive
genius and his devotion to his country in the day of her extreme
peril。
After the settlement of the Missouri question; although a portion
of the American people have differed with Mr。 Clay; and a
majority even appear generally to have been opposed to him on
questions of ordinary administration; he seems constantly to have
been regarded by all as the man for the crisis。 Accordingly; in
the days of nullification; and more recently in the reappearance
of the slavery question connected with our territory newly
acquir