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any　time　receive　from　the　Treasury　of　the　United　States　the　full

value　of　his　or　her　slave；　of　the　class　in　this　section

mentioned；　upon　which　such　slave　shall　be　forthwith　and　forever

free：　And　provided　further；　That　the　President　of　the　United

States；　the　Secretary　of　State；　and　the　Secretary　of　the　Treasury

shall　be　a　board　for　determining　the　value　of　such　slaves　as

their　owners　may　desire　to　emancipate　under　this　section；　and

whose　duty　it　shall　be　to　hold　a　session　for　the　purpose　on　the

first　Monday　of　each　calendar　month；　to　receive　all　applications；

and；　on　satisfactory　evidence　in　each　case　that　the　person

presented　for　valuation　is　a　slave；　and　of　the　class　in　this

section　mentioned；　and　is　owned　by　the　applicant；　shall　value

such　slave　at　his　or　her　full　cash　value；　and　give　to　the

applicant　an　order　on　the　Treasury　for　the　amount；　and　also　to

such　slave　a　certificate　of　freedom。



Sec。　　5。　　　That　the　municipal　authorities　of　Washington　and

Georgetown；　within　their　respective　jurisdictional　limits；　are

hereby　empowered　and　required　to　provide　active　and　efficient

means　to　arrest　and　deliver　up　to　their　owners　all　fugitive

slaves　escaping　into　said　District。



Sec。　　6。　　　That　the　election　officers　within　said　District　of

Columbia　are　hereby　empowered　and　required　to　open　polls；　at　all

the　usual　places　of　holding　elections；　on　the　first　Monday　of

April　next；　and　receive　the　vote　of　every　free　white　male　citizen

above　the　age　of　twenty…one　years；　having　resided　within　said

District　for　the　period　of　one　year　or　more　next　preceding　the

time　of　such　voting　for　or　against　this　act；　to　proceed　in　taking

said　votes；　in　all　respects　not　herein　specified；　as　at　elections

under　the　municipal　laws；　and　with　as　little　delay　as　possible　to

transmit　correct　statements　of　the　votes　so　cast　to　the　President

of　the　United　States；　and　it　shall　be　the　duty　of　the　President

to　canvass　said　votes　immediately；　and　if　a　majority　of　them　be

found　to　be　for　this　act；　to　forthwith　issue　his　proclamation

giving　notice　of　the　fact；　and　this　act　shall　only　be　in　full

force　and　effect　on　and　after　the　day　of　such　proclamation。



Sec。　　7。　　That　involuntary　servitude　for　the　punishment　of　crime；

whereof　the　party　shall　have　been　duly　convicted；　shall　in　no

wise　be　prohibited　by　this　act。



Sec。　　8。　　That　for　all　the　purposes　of　this　act；　the

jurisdictional　limits　of　Washington　are　extended　to　all　parts　of

the　District　of　Columbia　not　now　included　within　the　present

limits　of　Georgetown。









BILL　GRANTING　LANDS　TO　THE　STATES　TO　MAKE　RAILWAYS　AND　CANALS



REMARKS　IN　THE　HOUSE　OF　REPRESENTATIVES；

FEBRUARY　13；　1849。



Mr。　Lincoln　said　he　had　not　risen　for　the　purpose　of　making　a

speech；　but　only　for　the　purpose　of　meeting　some　of　the

objections　to　the　bill。　　If　he　understood　those　objections；　the

first　was　that　if　the　bill　were　to　become　a　law；　it　would　be　used

to　lock　large　portions　of　the　public　lands　from　sale；　without　at

last　effecting　the　ostensible　object　of　the　billthe

construction　of　railroads　in　the　new　States；　and　secondly；　that

Congress　would　be　forced　to　the　abandonment　of　large　portions　of

the　public　lands　to　the　States　for　which　they　might　be　reserved；

without　their　paying　for　them。　　This　he　understood　to　be　the

substance　of　the　objections　of　the　gentleman　from　Ohio　to　the

passage　of　the　bill。



If　he　could　get　the　attention　of　the　House　for　a　few　minutes；　he

would　ask　gentlemen　to　tell　us　what　motive　could　induce　any　State

Legislature；　or　individual；　or　company　of　individuals；　of　the　new

States；　to　expend　money　in　surveying　roads　which　they　might　know

they　could　not　make。



＇A　voice：　They　are　not　required　to　make　the　road。）



Mr。　Lincoln　continued：　That　was　not　the　case　he　was　making。　　What

motive　would　tempt　any　set　of　men　to　go　into　an　extensive　survey

of　a　railroad　which　they　did　not　intend　to　make？　　What　good　would

it　do？　　Did　men　act　without　motive？　　Did　business　men　commonly　go

into　an　expenditure　of　money　which　could　be　of　no　account　to

them？　　He　generally　found　that　men　who　have　money　were　disposed

to　hold　on　to　it；　unless　they　could　see　something　to　be　made　by

its　investment。　　He　could　not　see　what　motive　of　advantage　to　the

new　States　could　be　subserved　by　merely　keeping　the　public　lands

out　of　market；　and　preventing　their　settlement。　　As　far　as　he

could　see；　the　new　States　were　wholly　without　any　motive　to　do

such　a　thing。　　This；　then；　he　took　to　be　a　good　answer　to　the

first　objection。



In　relation　to　the　fact　assumed；　that　after　a　while；　the　new

States　having　got　hold　of　the　public　lands　to　a　certain　extent；

they　would　turn　round　and　compel　Congress　to　relinquish　all　claim

to　them；　he　had　a　word　to　say；　by　way　of　recurring　to　the　history

of　the　past。　　When　was　the　time　to　come　（he　asked）　when　the

States　in　which　the　public　lands　were　situated　would　compose　a

majority　of　the　representation　in　Congress；　or　anything　like　it？

A　majority　of　Representatives　would　very　soon　reside　west　of　the

mountains；　he　admitted；　but　would　they　all　come　from　States　in

which　the　public　lands　were　situated？　　They　certainly　would　not；

for；　as　these　Western　States　grew　strong　in　Congress；　the　public

lands　passed　away　from　them；　and　they　got　on　the　other　side　of

the　question；　and　the　gentleman　from　Ohio　＇Mr。　Vinton＇　was　an

example　attesting　that　fact。



Mr。　Vinton　interrupted　here　to　say　that　he　had　stood　on　this

question　just　where　he　was　now；　for　five　and　twenty　years。



Mr。　Lincoln　was　not　making　an　argument　for　the　purpose　of

convicting　the　gentleman　of　any　impropriety　at　all。　　He　was

speaking　of　a　fact　in　history；　of　which　his　State　was　an　example。

He　was　referring　to　a　plain　principle　in　the　nature　of　things。

The　State　of　Ohio　had　now　grown　to　be　a　giant。　　She　had　a　large

delegation　on　that　floor；　but　was　she　now　in　favor　of　granting

lands　to　the　new　States；　as　she　used　to　be？　　The　New　England

States；　New　York；　and　the　Old　Thirteen　were　all　rather　quiet　upon

the　subject；　and　it　was　seen　just　now　that　a　member　from　one　of

the　new　States　was　the　first　man　to　rise　up　in　opposition。　　And

such　would　be　with　the　history　of　this　question　for　the　future。

There　never　would　come　a　time　when　the　people　residing　in　the

States　embracing　the　public　lands　would　have　the　entire　control

of　this　subject；　and　so　it　was　a　matter　of　certainty　that

Congress　would　never　do　more　in　this　respect　than　what　would　be

dictated　by　a　just　liberality。　　The　apprehension；　therefore；　that

the　public　lands　were　in　danger　of　being　wrested　from　the　General

Government　by　the　strength　of　the　delegation　in　Congress　from　the

new　States；　was　utterly　futile。　　There　never　could　be　such　a

thing。　　If　we　take　these　lands　（said　he）　it　will　not　be　without

your　consent。　　We　can　never　outnumber　you。　　The　result　is　that

all　fear　of　the　new　States　turning　against　the　right　of　Congress

to　the　public　domain　must　be　effectually　quelled；　as　those　who

are　opposed　to　that　interest　must　always　hold　a　vast　majority

here；　and　they　will　never　surrender　the　whole　or　any　part　of　the

public　lands　unless　they　themselves　choose　to　do　so。　　That　was

all　he　desired　to　say。









ON　FEDERAL　POLITICAL　APPOINTMENTS



TO　THE　SECRETARY　OF　THE　TREASURY。



WASHINGTON；　March　9；　1849。



HON。　　SECRETARY　OF　THE　TREASURY。



DEAR　SIR：　Co1onel　R。　　D。　　Baker　and　myself　are　the　only　Whig

members　of　Congress　from　Illinois　of　the　Thirtieth；　and　he　of　the

Thirty…first。　　We　have　reason　to　think　the　Whigs　of　that　State

hold　us　responsible；　to　some　extent；　for　the　appointments　which

may　be　made　of　our　citizens。　　We　do　not　know　you　personally；　and

our　efforts　to　you　have　so　far　been　unavailing。　　I　therefore　hope

I　am　not　obtrusive　in　saying　in　this　way；　for　him　and　myself；

that　when　a　citizen　of　Illinois　is　to　be　appointed　in　your

department；　to　an　office　either　in　or　out　of　the　State；　we　most

respectfully　ask　to　be　heard。



Your　obedient　servant；



A。　LINCOLN。









MORE　POLITICAL　PATRONAGE　REQUESTS



TO　THE　SECRETARY　OF　STATE。



WASHINGTON；　March　10；　1849。



HON。　　SECRETARY　OF　STATE。



SIR：There　are　several　applicants　for　the　office　of　United

States　Marshal　for　the　District　of　Illinois。　　Among　the　most

prominent　of　them　are　Benjamin　Bond；　Esq。；　of　Carlyle；　and

Thomas；　Esq。；　of　Galena。　　Mr。　Bond　I　know　to　be　personally　every

way　worthy　of　the　office；　and　he　is　very　numerously　and　most

respectably　recommended。　　His　papers　I　send　to　you；　and　I　solicit

for　his　claims　a　full　and　fair　consideration。



Having　said　this　much；　I　add　that　in　my　individual　judgment　the

appointment　of　Mr。　Thomas　would　be　the　better。



Your　obedient　servant；



A。　LINCOLN。





（Indorsed　on　Mr。　Bond's　papers。）



In　this　and　the　accompanying　envelope　are　the　recommendations　of

about　two　hundred　good　citizens　of　all　parts　of　Illinois；　that